The New Yorker Radio Hour

Jon Stewart on the Perilous State of Late Night and Why America Fell for Donald Trump

46 min
Oct 31, 20256 months ago
Listen to Episode
Summary

Jon Stewart discusses the precarious state of late-night comedy and free speech under the current administration, examining why Donald Trump won the presidency and critiquing both Republican and Democratic institutional failures. He argues that social media algorithms and decades of eroded institutional credibility created conditions for Trump's rise, while warning against complacency about democratic erosion.

Insights
  • Late-night satire is no longer settled law in America; the removal of Jimmy Kimmel signals a shift toward authoritarian control of media that mirrors Putin's early tactics in Russia
  • Trump's electoral success stems from channeling genuine populist frustration with a broken system rather than offering viable solutions; Democrats fail to counter this by offering only negative opposition rather than coherent alternative visions
  • Social media platforms are engineered to bypass rational decision-making through outrage and anger, creating a dangerous mismatch between analog political systems and digital communication ecosystems
  • Institutional credibility was lost, not just taken; Democrats and traditional institutions must address their own failures (passivity, neoliberal economics, healthcare failures) to rebuild trust and counter authoritarian threats
  • The Democratic Party's adherence to status quo neoliberalism and 'regular order' governance has left it vulnerable to disruption by charismatic populists, similar to how Republicans were taken over in 2016
Trends
Authoritarian creep in media control: FCC threats and corporate consolidation under Trump-aligned executives targeting editorial independenceInstitutional erosion as vulnerability: Decades of declining trust in media, academia, and government creating fertile ground for populist takeoverSocial media algorithm radicalization: Engineered engagement mechanisms driving polarization faster than analog political systems can respondCharismatic populism vs. institutional competence: Voters choosing performers who articulate frustration over technocrats offering incremental solutionsCorporate consolidation of media: Single executives (David Ellison at Paramount) controlling multiple news and entertainment platforms simultaneouslyGenerational media consumption divergence: Younger audiences abandoning cable/traditional media entirely, creating information ecosystem fragmentationDemocratic Party vulnerability to disruption: Similar structural weaknesses that allowed Republican takeover in 2016 now present in Democratic coalitionWeaponization of free speech rhetoric: Right-wing movements building parallel institutions (think tanks, media, education) to undermine credibility of mainstream sourcesHealthcare as political failure: ACA subsidies to insurance companies rather than universal healthcare becoming symbol of Democratic compromise and failureIntegrity vs. pragmatism in media: Tension between maintaining editorial standards and staying operational under hostile corporate ownership
Topics
Late-night comedy and free speech under authoritarian pressureJimmy Kimmel suspension and FCC regulatory threatsWhy Donald Trump won the 2016 and 2024 electionsSocial media algorithm design and radicalizationInstitutional credibility loss in media, academia, and governmentDemocratic Party passivity and neoliberal economic policy failuresCorporate consolidation of media ownership and editorial controlPopulism vs. institutional competence in politicsHealthcare policy and insurance company subsidiesGenerational differences in media consumption and information accessParallel institution-building by conservative movementsSatire and political comedy as resistance to authoritarianismGaza conflict and Jewish American political identityPodcast platforms as alternative media distributionPolitical leadership vacuum and Democratic Party renewal
Companies
Paramount
David Ellison, Trump-friendly CEO, now controls Comedy Central and The Daily Show; also hired Barry Weiss to run CBS ...
Comedy Central
Network where The Daily Show airs; now controlled by Paramount under David Ellison's leadership
CBS News
Barry Weiss hired to run CBS News by David Ellison, raising concerns about editorial independence under Trump-aligned...
Facebook
Discussed as example of social media platform designed to keep users engaged through outrage and anger rather than co...
Twitter
Described as digital platform that incentivizes anger and hostility, contrasting with analog political systems design...
Apple
Stewart mentions working for Apple, acknowledging concerns about company's exploitative practices while drawing perso...
Kraft
Used as metaphor for how corporations engineer products (food additives) to bypass consumer rationality, similar to s...
Palantir
Peter Thiel's company mentioned as example of tech executive promoting authoritarian rhetoric while claiming to fight...
American Enterprise Institute
Conservative think tank built as part of decades-long strategy to create parallel institutions undermining mainstream...
WNYC Studios
Co-producer of The New Yorker Radio Hour where this episode aired
The New Yorker
Co-producer of The New Yorker Radio Hour; David Remnick is editor and host
People
Jon Stewart
Main guest discussing late-night comedy, free speech threats, and reasons for Trump's electoral success
David Remnick
Host of The New Yorker Radio Hour conducting interview with Jon Stewart at the New Yorker Festival
David Ellison
Trump-friendly executive who now controls Comedy Central and hired Barry Weiss to run CBS News
Jimmy Kimmel
Suspended from his show over MAGA remark, prompting Stewart and other comedians to respond with satirical content
Stephen Colbert
Fellow late-night host who responded to Kimmel's suspension; part of Stewart's peer group in political comedy
John Oliver
Fellow late-night host who responded to Kimmel's suspension; part of Stewart's peer group in political comedy
Donald Trump
Central subject of discussion; Stewart analyzes his electoral success and ability to channel populist frustration
Barry Weiss
Hired by David Ellison to run CBS News, raising concerns about editorial independence under Trump-aligned ownership
Bill Maher
Childhood friend of Stewart; discussed as representative of 'wokeism' critique that Stewart partially disagrees with
Trevor Noah
Career launched by Stewart; represents next generation of political comedians
Mark Zuckerberg
Discussed as tech founder who initially believed in democratizing information but whose platform became weaponized
Peter Thiel
Example of tech executive promoting authoritarian rhetoric while claiming moral authority
Donald Rumsfeld
Stewart interviewed him on The Daily Show; Stewart expressed regret about the encounter and Rumsfeld's dismissive res...
Joe Rogan
Stewart has appeared on his podcast; discussed as platform with enormous reach but sometimes platforming dangerous id...
Roger Ailes
Part of decades-long conservative strategy to build parallel media institutions starting with Nixon White House
Richard Viguerie
Early architect of conservative movement's strategy to build parallel institutions through direct mail and media
RFK Jr.
Example of misinformation that scientists criticize but fail to counter with better information and platforms
Mitch McConnell
Example of Democratic Party's failure to effectively counter Republican obstruction and bad-faith negotiation
Chuck Schumer
Democratic leader criticized for passivity and performative gestures rather than effective political strategy
Eric Adams
Referenced as politician getting people to vote affirmatively for his positions and inspiring leadership
Quotes
"We are not Russia and their history of autocracy or dictatorship or those things. That doesn't mean we're not going to be in some kind of soft autocracy where news is controlled."
Jon StewartEarly in interview
"The victims of this administration are not the comedians. Like we are a visible manifestation of certain things. But the victims are the people that are struggling to have any voice and are being forcibly removed from streets by hooded agents."
Jon StewartEarly in interview
"Social media is ultra processed speech in the same way that Doritos are food. It's designed to bypass the parts of your brain that keep you off it."
Jon StewartMid-interview
"The answer to that commercial is simple as well. Like, yes, Donald Trump is for you. If you are a convicted sex trafficker who should get transferred to a less bad prison because you're not going to name him."
Jon StewartDiscussing Trump campaign ads
"I don't know how I affect you like you just don't know. I wish I knew. Believe me or maybe I don't like it could actually could be hurting like I don't know."
Jon StewartDiscussing impact of his work
Full Transcript
This is the New Yorker Radio Hour, a co-production of WNYC Studios and The New Yorker. Welcome to the New Yorker Radio Hour, I'm David Remnick. In September, right after Jimmy Kimmel was suspended from his late night talk show, John Stewart went on the air with a special episode of The Daily Show. From Comedy Central, it's the all-new government-approved Daily Show. With your patriotically obedient host, John Stewart. The joke, of course, was that they'd done a full rebranding and the high style of MAGA was on display. Flags flying, jet fighters soaring, the studio slathered in gold and the desk is gigantic. Stewart, in a red tie, looks like he's going to lose his lunch. We have another fun, hilarious administration-compliant show. He's so anxious, he's actually twitching. We're coming to you tonight from a real shithole. The crime-ridden cesspool in New York City. It is a tremendous disaster. Like no one's ever seen before. Someone's National Guard should invade this place, am I right? That night was a real reminder of why after 25 years plus we still very much need John Stewart on the air. But compared to his early years on the show, the era of George W. Bush, this is a much more dangerous time for late night and for speech and for America. Kimmel nearly lost his job over a remark about MAGA in the wake of Charlie Kirk's murder. The head of the FCC threatens broadcasters in a tone that sometimes sounds a lot like a mob boss. This administration supports free speech only in so far as it agrees with that speech. And Stewart is not too far from the hot seat himself. Comedy Central is now controlled by David Ellison, the Trump-friendly CEO of Paramount Skydance. So I sat down to hash this all out the other day with John Stewart at the New Yorker Festival. Hello. John Stewart. How are you? I'm so pleased to have John Stewart here. Me too. John. I'm delighted. This is a man of New Jersey. Can I hear it for people? That's it? That's it. That's the appropriate level of respect. Few cheers, couple of booze, most people indifferent. I understand. I've lived there. I want to begin by reminding you of what happened not long ago when Jimmy Kimmel was tossed off the air. You had to come up with a response to something very serious. And I want to know if you, and by the way, you weren't alone. Colbert also did. John Oliver also. Was there any sense of coordination or conversation? No, I don't even have their numbers. No, we do have a text chain that goes along. I think everybody, look, we all understand it's a luxury. None of us are owed a platform or any of those things. But we also understand that it's a meaningful luxury and that there is a certain amount of strength of a society that is able to withstand the smallest of ridicule. And when that goes away, when the leadership becomes, you know, the last time that that happened was, I have a friend who did a show very similar to mine in Egypt and he was exiled. And in America, we sort of assumed that satire was settled law. And to find out that it, along with Dobbs, we're going to be revisiting what we considered stare decisis. You know, it's, I think it rattled everyone to some extent. But it also presented great opportunity. And so I don't know that we've had as much fun as we did that Thursday morning coming up with all this stupid little shit that you see with, I mean, including like gold pictures and red ties and, you know, it gave us some purpose. That being said, like, I want to be clear, I don't, the victims of this administration are not the comedians. Like we are a visible manifestation of certain things. But the victims are the victims are the people that are struggling to have any voice and are being forcibly removed from streets by, you know, hooded agents. You know, those are the victims of this administration. You say that that this is not the issue. But I look, I remember when Putin came to power in 2000. Sure. The first thing he did was take a program that was a satirical program about politics called Kukli puppets off the air. And people said, oh, I took the puppets off the air within a couple of weeks. The news was off the air. Isn't it possible that this assault, however, kind of herky jerky and back and forth, it might be, is tantamount to something else? Sure. When seven million people show up in America on a weekend for anything, I mean, honestly, anything, you know something's going on. And this is, they are attempting to graft, I think, an alien culture onto this country. We're not Russia and their history of autocracy or dictatorship or those things. That doesn't mean we're not going to be in some kind of soft autocracy where news is controlled. But we have a lot of different avenues and suppression creates opportunity and a populist that is thirsty for inspiration and leadership and morality. And integrity and lack of corruption. That's fertile ground for that opportunity. So like as bad as this is, and it's fucking bad. Like, I knew it would be bad. I did not. It was things going to be like flesh eating dick cancer bad. Like, I, that's, that's an, I, yeah, you know how bad it is. David Ellison, just my new boss, Paramount. Yes. And not only does he forgive me own your enterprise, he could also affect it. And he just hired Barry Wister runs CBS news. So tell me what this, tell me what this means. Well, I wish you would mention that before I went into the dick cancer pad. This is not happenstance. This is, this began with Richard Vigory doing a mail in to try and get people to be conservative. This began with people buying AM radio stations and converting them to conservative talk radio. This began with Roger Ailes and the Nixon White House going, we will never allow this to happen to a Republican politician. Again, all of the institutions by which I mean education and media and news and academia and all those things that we relied on as a solid tent post by which to build a decent society on. They were like, yeah, no. And they built a parallel universe of think tanks and education and media. And so that they could at some point just flip a switch and move us over onto that track because what, what are these institutions have? They are, they are the reference point for our decisions. What do you do? You quote, well, there's a study done by and you use data and scientific method and other things to try and make as informed a decision as you can. But if you're a political movement that believes that investing those institutions with authority is against your movement, the best thing you can do is build organizations that either tear down the credibility of those institutions or you build your own. But with respect to this is, this is different. This is, this is, this is markedly different. It's one thing to have the broken institution that was kind of liberal and then you have the rise of the American Enterprise Institute. It's one thing to have a liberal newspaper and then a conservative news. Fine. Fine. In fact, all the better in some ways. But this is what's going on now is different. And with respect, you're going to face it potentially with Paramount and the Daily Show. Sure. What do you do? You don't compromise on what you do and you do it till they tell you to leave. That's all you can do. That's all you can do. So I think the line that you gave before was I'm not giving in. I'm not going anywhere. I think I'm I'm neurotic still. I'm not, you know, your contract comes up in December. You're going to sign another one. I mean, I we're we're working on on staying. Look, the other thing to remember is it's not as clear cut as all that the business is if it's up to you, you're staying. Oh, yeah, sure. Okay. Yeah, yeah, yeah. Yeah. Okay. That's the answer. How do you think CBS News will be affected? This evening news even matter at this point in the in the in the media sphere that we live in. We are conjectured. We are projecting things that that we do not know the ecosystem has changed. The monetization of it has changed. I will tell you this. It is a different ethos. But one thing we have to remember, and this is the hardest truth for us to get at is that the institutions that we spoke about earlier have problems. They do. And if we don't address those problems in a forthright way, then those institutions become vulnerable to this kind of assault. Credibility is not something that was just taken. It was also lost. And that is a part of this equation that has to be considered. And the Democrats have to consider that as well. There's a reason Donald Trump came to power. And that is that in the general populist mind, government no longer serves the interests of the people it purports to represent. That's a broad based deep feeling. And that helps when someone comes along and goes, the system is rigged and people go, yeah, it is rigged. Now, he's a good diagnostician. I don't particularly care for his remedy. Why do you think Trump won? Because of that, because of the dissatisfaction of an analog system in a digital world. The distance between how you feel about the world and the world has never been larger. We are victims of the circadian rhythms of social media. And social media is incentivized to what? Not connect us. And I've seen the Facebook commercial and yes, it's true. If you do like a certain kind of cat, there will be other people that like that certain kind of cat and you will connect with each other. But the purpose of social media is to keep you on its platform. That's it. They want you on that platform. They want you on there as long as they could possibly have you. And the way that they have rigged our brains to figure it out is that outrage and anger and hate and hostility are much stronger drivers of engagement than anything else. Now, on the flip side of that, we have a political system designed in the 18, what? It's designed as an analog. What is the Senate? It's the cooling saucer of democracy. And what's Twitter? The thing that makes you want to rip people's eyes out. And you put those together and it's not a good mix. And so he was able to harness the anger and catastrophizing of that as a way of taking over that other thing that we have. And you didn't find Joe Biden and Kamala Harris a good remedy for that in the election. That was cool to set up line. I thought they were great. Look, what's going on with Mandoni? You finally got a guy in New York City who is getting people to vote in the affirmative for his positions, who is inspiring people and giving a certain amount of leadership. And what does the general status quo of the Democratic Party do with that? The guy is a communist. Like, they go along with the caricature of this man. Look, we're in a bad situation, but it's not just Trump. It's the passivity of the Democratic Party to stick with a status quo that most people felt was not working. In January, about a week after Trump was inaugurated, you did a monologue on the Daily Show that it was God knows it was critical of Trump, but you didn't go after him so much as you went after a lot of his critics, or at least the more hypocritical and perl clutching ones. You seem to be saying that instead of crying wolf, calling him a fascist for every executive order, was, you know, to his benefit. Do you think you underestimated how bad this would get? No, I stand by it because in that moment, that's how I felt. What I'm saying is the seeds of this destruction were not sown this year. They were sown by Citizens United. They were sown by corporations or people. They were sown by a Democratic Party that thinks it's okay for their Senate to be an assisted living facility. Like, respectfully, like, I mean, I could kick the shit out of the Senate. I don't mean this cynically. I mean this idealistically. I mean this as like, we better get real about this very fast. And it's coming from a perspective of having worked with our government to try and get certain things done. I was stunned by certain Republicans that would tweet out, never forget the heroes of 9-11 versus how they would vote for their medical care. But I was also stunned by the Democratic Party's leadership's passivity and being told over and over again, no, no, no, you have to go through regular order. When we have this congressional hearing, I don't want you to be confrontational. You have to be nice. And then what we hopefully will get to do is put the first responders and the victims of 9-11, we'll be able to put their healthcare into the transportation bill. Unless Mitch McConnell thinks he wants to trade that for the import-export tax that he really wants on petroleum. And I would go, that's crazy. And so this is coming from a place of, I've lived with this. Well, we're in the middle of a government shutdown, which is a different attitude this time than it was the last time. That's right. Does that make Chuck Schumer any braver now than he was before? No. And you can tell about like, what Chuck Schumer has been told is you're losing. And people like your glasses to be higher up on your nose. And so it's what I'm telling you is, here's what they're doing with us now. The strategy is authenticity. And suddenly, people in Congress are cursing. Oh, and it seems so natural when Chuck Schumer curses. This is a shitty bill. I'm like, I'm over it all, man. I'm over it all. And I understand why people wanted to blow it up and why it's so vulnerable to being taken over by a charismatic person that says, I understand how this is done. Like even the shutdown, which I'm glad that they stood up for something. But I still think the ACA is playing the Republican and the corporate game. It's basically just subsidies. The insurance companies when what we need is healthcare and the ACA doesn't give you healthcare. It gives you, it gives you subsidies to get a coupon that maybe you can take to someone that then they'll give it to you and then they'll still be deductible. 40% of people in this country go without things like food because of their medical debt. And so like when the Democrats announced that they got the pharmaceutical companies to out of the grace of their heart allow us to negotiate the price on 10 different medicines, only 10. And that's a victory when we're subsidizing these motherfuckers by billions of dollars a year. No, no more. I'm done with it. I'm speaking with John Stuart, the comedian, actor and host of The Daily Show. We'll continue in just a moment. This is the New York Radio Hour. How does AI even work? Where does creativity come from? What's the secret to living longer? Ted Radio Hour explores the biggest questions with some of the world's greatest thinkers. They will surprise, challenge and even change you. Listen to NPR's Ted Radio Hour wherever you get your podcasts. This is the New Yorker Radio Hour. I'm David Remdek and I'm speaking today with John Stuart. Stuart was hardly the first political comedian on TV, but on The Daily Show he pioneered something new. He delivered some of the sharpest political analysis on television, interviewing serious newsmakers in a format that was also consistently hilarious. Stuart helped launch the careers of Stephen Colbert, Trevor Noah, John Oliver and many others. And in bringing journalism or something kind of like journalism to late night entertainment, Stuart upped the game for the entire medium. I'll continue my conversation now with John Stuart. We grew up in New Jersey, but I grew up with another comedian, Bill Maher. I used to play basketball in a driveway with him. He was a local celebrity. You know, there's nothing better than playing basketball with short juice. I have to tell you. Yeah, you can post up on them. We used to have a game at Gary Shanling's house. Literally, we were like, I think Al Franken might be Pete Marovitch. Kevin Nieland would come by and everybody would just be like, couldn't what? No! You can't do that! Yeah. Bill Maher is the comic political voice of the notion that the biggest problem that Democrats have is wokeism. How do you respond to Bill's approach to the world? Well, I don't know if that's just Bill's. I mean, I maybe it's... It's shorthand for it, but wokeism is not something that enters your analysis of things for the most part. No. There is a real pressure that people feel on issues that they don't quite understand where they don't want to offend, and it can have a a sensorious effect on discourse. I've seen it. And the left certainly has their... When someone says to me like, pregnant people, I do go, well, I understand, but like, come on. But it doesn't make you crazy. Yeah, if you'd be better to be like pregnant women and Dave. You don't have to do the whole thing. So, yeah, that gets a little out of control. But the idea that that has the same effect on the world as like a rich country that isn't able to give its people health care. That's where I take exception. The one thing I would give him is the most politically effective, so-called the most politically effective advertisement for the Trump campaign was the one about trans people. You know, she is for them. He is for you. That was extremely effective. The answer to that commercial is simple as well. Like, yes, Donald Trump is for you. If you are a convicted sex trafficker who should get transferred to a less bad prison because you're not going to name him. Donald Trump is for you if you have a jet that you will give him. And then, or Donald Trump is for you if you give billions to his campaign. And so he will allow you to bypass tariffs and not small businesses. Like, my problem is they don't know how to fight that effectively. They do not realize the game they are playing, I don't think, in my mind. There is a relentlessness and of bad faith to the social media algorithm. It's, I'm trying to think like, okay, here's a different analogy. If you go to a restaurant and the food is delicious, it's because they probably like add a little extra butter or they throw a little salt in there, a little umami in there. Maybe they throw a little sugar in the marinara, you know what I mean? And they're like, and you eat it and you're like, wow, that's decadent and beautiful. And I would like to come back here. But it's still within the realm of what we understand as the earthly tricks we play on each other. But there are guys in lab coats who work for Kraft who are figuring out how to take the gland of like a beaver's anus and turn it into strawberry flavoring. And then there's a bunch of other dudes that are checking the consistency of it and they're designing it to get past the prehistoric reptilian wiring of your brain so that you no longer understand that two bags of chips and a quart of ice cream might not be good for you in the long run. And social media is that what we do is we communicate and we sometimes use hyperbole and we sometimes use puns and satire and like totes and all and parody to convey something and it's cheating a little bit. But social media is ultra processed speech in the same way that Doritos are food. It's designed to bypass the parts of your brain that keep you off it that keep you from diving into those holes from radicalizing yourself. That's what you're up against. They are designing these things in the lab to bypass our ability to collaborate and cooperate. When did these guys get so bad. You remember years and years ago. They always suck. Ah. No but wait a minute. We believed or half believed that these guys because they wore jeans and sneakers and they were kind of cool and said things like don't be evil and and so on and so forth. Isn't that something someone evil would say. It's like Peter Teal. Peter Teal is always going on about Satan. Satan it could be amongst us. It could be Greta Thunberg and be like or it could be a guy who runs a company called Palantir. But wait a minute. You're forgetting the early part of these guys. Mark Zuckerberg when it's going to make it possible. Sergey Byrd was going to make it possible. If you're sitting in the desert somewhere where you didn't have access to a library. Now you could reach Shakespeare on your phone and this was amazing and he was everybody was going to be connected and this would democratize the press. Yes. And they believed it and a large part of us. No. No. They all want to be the next guy. They all just want to be the next must. They want to be the next person. Look. We suffer from the same thing and that we're people like everything that we have that's great can be weaponized against us like nuclear power is the you know as Oppenheimer once famously said what could go wrong. John you've been on Rogan a couple of times. Yes. What did you think of that experience being on enjoyed being on Rogan. I think he's an interesting interviewer. You know there are right wing. Weaponized commentators who sole purpose is to manipulate things to the benefit of the Bannon project or the project 2025 Rogan's not that guy. What is that guy. How would you. That guy is a curious comic who fell into this thing that got fucking enormous. Maybe doesn't has opinions all over the political spectrum but has tendencies that people on the left does not fit the aesthetic. He's a hunter. He's had people on who are kind of Nazi curious. That's not good. So I mean I've interviewed Kissinger like it's and he was carpet bomb curious like I don't know what to say like like it's very easy to castigate those where we're like but he had an opinion a few years back that's you know. But the difference is when he was carpet bomb curious you didn't say oh yeah that's awesome. And what happens with Rogan sometimes is he'll hear somebody that's on the dangerous end of the spectrum and he'll just kind of soak it in. And so and this is I think this is a great point and it's whos ever job who thinks that that information is dangerous to fight to get their point of view out there to counter what they think is misinformation. You can't just deputize people to say he should have known better and he should have prosecuted that point. But the reality is John is that it might be my job or the New York Times job or even your job but I don't have the audience that Joe Rogan does then get it. Yeah. Then go on then go on that show then do those things like that is it's not acceptable to just say well I don't like what he does then do it better beat them at their own game. It's not enough to just complain that that guy got a platform and don't platform that guy. There's no one in this world right now that isn't platformed. And my biggest frustration honestly with a lot of scientists is they all go RFK are you so fucked up. That's terrible information. Oh OK. What's the information. Nothing. Where are they get out there fight. I got in trouble. I was given an interview to a German magazine. I said I would interview Hitler and I thought that was kind of non controversial. Is there anybody that you wouldn't interview. It depends on what the expectation is also for the interview because remember a lot of what we're doing right now is we're falling into that trap that an interview a good interview will solve the problem. I've been on the side of the good interview. I've been on this. I interviewed Donald Rumsfeld. I lost more sleep over that interview than he did over the entire fucking war. And you know what he did afterwards. He wrote me a note saying that was fun. Yeah. Yeah. Do you have any idea how that still hurts. He wrote that was fun. I bet if we had known each other when we were younger we would have been friends. Oh. Oh. John what did you think of the recent the business of comedians going to re-aud and being paid a lot of money. What did you think of that. I don't touch other people's money. And you know. It's hard man. I want to fix my house. I want to operate with integrity but I don't want to gatekeep like I'm not. I don't go to the tree of hilarity and get visited by the fathers of and I think a lot of comics who came out and really shit on those guys. Like I know a couple of them and I know them actually to be like garbage humans. So I would prefer it if they would have just come out though and said it's money and not like it's a way to start a conversation like would you have started the conversation. For twenty five hundred dollars. Well then that's you know that's the difference. Look I work for Apple. Like there's a lot of people who believe that Apple is exploitative in a way that's horrific. You know we all have our lines that we are willing to cross like we get into a problem when we're unforgiving in any way we offer no grace and that doesn't mean that I don't have lines that I draw that if people cross it. I won't do but I do try to not be so rigid in the way that I think society has become and if it goes back to the lines are ahead of time. No because I mean as we started the conversation you're facing a complicated situation at Paramount. Sure and you know what you won't do but if you see something else happening in the company do you know where those lines are. I like with the news. Yeah they've already done things that I'm upset about but then if I had integrity maybe I would stand up and go I'm out. Or maybe this integrity thing to do would be to stay in it and keep fighting in the foxhole like I love a good argument. I love differing points of view in all facets of things but I also love grace. I've got people in my family that are to the right of Attila the Hun and when people tell me like how can you platform that person on your show I go I platform my uncle every fucking Thanksgiving. And by the way I love him. He's a three dimensional human being who has qualities that I really admire things about him and we've lost that we've lost the ability to love people because we litmus test at every point at every in every single moment. John you've always struck me as an idealist an American idealist and I remember around 9 11. You said the view from your place was was the towers. And then you said that now I have a view of the Statue of Liberty and it was a terrific terrorist you know. And that was a really idealistic thing to say about America in many ways small and large. I believe it. You still do. Absolutely. Absolutely. We this is and how can you not believe it because think of the amazing people that you see every day. Think of the quiet activism of living pleasantly. There's more good than bad. I always will believe that I always will believe that the odds are in our favor. Always. I'm talking with John Stewart a conversation that was recorded at the New Yorker Festival. We'll continue in just a moment. How does a I even work. Where does creativity come from. What's the secret to living longer. Ted Radio Hour explores the biggest questions with some of the world's greatest thinkers. They will surprise challenge and even change you. Listen to NPR's Ted Radio Hour wherever you get your podcasts. This is the New Yorker Radio Hour and I'm David Remnick. John Stewart has always insisted that he's a comedian a performer not a journalist. But a generation of viewers came up saying that they got their news from John Stewart. He was also funny enough that at least early on he was able to appeal to viewers who didn't always agree with his politics which skewed distinctly liberal. For people who do agree with those politics. Stewart became a voice of authority of reassurance in dark times and back in 2016. Some fans really implored him to challenge Hillary Clinton and run for president. And much more recently the radio host Charlotte Mayne the God has become something of a Democratic power broker himself suggested quite seriously that John Stewart get in the game for 2028. He's a celebrity who actually knows what they're talking about. We've seen him get legislation and stuff you know passed before like we know where his heart is. He'd be somebody I'd like to see really getting the race and disrupt things in 2028. I'll continue my conversation now with John Stewart. You mentioned idealists in the Democratic Party and figures who are just not up to the task. You mentioned Mom Donnie for one. Who do you see on a national level who has promise as a national leader that you could get behind. You have 20 minutes. Somebody just said you. Have we have we really gotten to that point. I do understand. You know what is interesting. That's also a function of frustration cry of cry of desperation. You know what it is because I'm other. I'm none of the above. Years ago. I won a poll. It was most most trusted newsman in America. The poll was like it might have been Peter Jennings Tom Brocaw rather. Dian Sawyer and me. And I was I'm none of the above like but what a dildo rolled in glitter could have won that poll. I have never in the audiences that come into the show seen them so thirsty for leadership. And so the none of the above the Democratic Party is ripe for what happened to the Republican Party in 2016. The right. And but hopefully it will be somebody who uses that power for good and not for self a grand and not for their own you know gratification as somebody. I think this was I think Elaine one said to Jerry on this show that is someone on the fringe of the humor community. Do you think Donald Trump is funny. Funny. Ha ha. I think he has a performer's cadence and and it would be funnier if he didn't also control the army. But what's the gift because it's not nothing. It's there is something that works for him with an audience. Yeah. What does he got. He knows how to channel the frustrations of an audience. He knows how to read a room. He knows what the room is feeling and he can articulate it back to them and they understand it. There is an undeniable connection between him and his audience to the point where the normal rules of engagement don't apply and the Democrats unfortunately continue to be Wiley Coyote in the act of the act. They think they always think they got him. Oh if he's convicted of 34 felony counts. There's no way he'll win. Oh we got him now. He just got indicted on and every time Donald Trump just walks in and goes me. So then what what catches the road runner. What what what puts an end to this. What catches the road runner is to offer something other than not him is to offer something that's not just the negative. It's not just negative space. We are stuck in a pattern where the Democratic Party has bought into a an agenda over 40 years that also bought into supply side economics and the general neoliberal vision of how things go and that the only way workers are ever going to get anything is just you just got to unionize better. People need better lobbyists. You know they need a coherent vision for whatever you think of Donald Trump. He presents to his audience a coherent vision. It's not one that I want to live in. It's not one that I think makes America great. It's not one that I think is even endemic to how America ever really was. So this is a question the audience. John and David you've both been sounding the alarm about the state of American democracy since 2016 after nearly a decade of saying the sky is falling. Do you think that people are hearing you at all. Why even write that as a question. Why just dear David and John. Why don't you just die. Why do you even get up in the morning. The thought occurs to me all day long with the democracy. You see this and then you got an answer. It doesn't matter. I control what I can control. It doesn't matter if people people can say like do you think what you do is effective. I have no fucking idea. I just do what I have to do. It's if you don't develop a barometer for morality or integrity for yourself and let that inform how you live then you're at the whim of what you think other people view you as and I have no control over that. I have no control over how people do you think by going into other forms podcasts in particular you've reached different audiences. Do you think that you're reaching them in a in a in a different way. I don't know. That's the thing about communication is you don't. I don't know the only people I talk to live in my house. I do you get what I mean like people say like what's it like to be on TV and you're like it's like not being on TV. It's you can see me but I can't see you. I don't know how I affect you like you just don't know. I wish I knew. Believe me or maybe I don't like it could it actually could be hurting like I don't know what's it been like for you to think and talk about what's been happening in Gaza for the last two years. How have you been affected super fun at Passover. It's it's a really fraught and complicated emotional issue obviously for a lot of Jews. But again I try to speak as best I can in my opinion as honestly as I can. And if that means upsetting certain people. I'm always open to the conversation. But I have very strong opinions about the horror of what I see over there on all sides. I'm on team human. I and I don't think that Look I grew up man as David. We were all David not remnic obviously but but biblical and and I think feeling like David became Goliath was a hard thing to to counsel for myself and a lot of people disagree and I listen you bring this up and immediately you know you're ignoring in 1954. They feel like I really don't like I get it but I'm like right now there's death and sadness and starvation and horror and I just don't I don't think it's I don't think it's human and I don't know what happened and I don't know how we can do that and it's a failure of the world and it's a failure of humanity and it's the saddest thing that I can think and by the way the same thing. The same shit's going on in Sudan and in the Congo and in all kinds of other places that don't have access to the kinds of information and light that we see and it's articulated with us and it's going on in Ukraine and like you know we're This is it like this is all we got and if we can't figure this out it's it's mind boggling this being life on earth right yeah You know you hate to get but like when you get to be older you do start thinking like oh I'm gonna like I won't be here but Do you kid your kids are in their late teens 20s that I know about yeah Oh no you're right that is right actually those are those are the ones do they watch you on TV. Do they watch you on TV. No they don't even watch me in the house. They don't you have any idea how hard it is to get them to look at you it's very hard. I assume if they were in this room and I know you know my kids in this room would say half of this conversation is irrelevant because they're not watching cable TV. They're not necessarily reading magazine with 10,000 word profiles and gag cartoons. When I operate a blockbuster kiosk inside a tower records. There's no question. There's yeah we are we are we are definitely like we're the guys out there were like extra extra. So yeah no they they live in a completely different universe and it gives me hope and I don't know how you feel about this but like in the way that social media is like poison to me right. I'm hoping that they are that the human spirit and the ability to sort of adapt and then near yourself to the new technology that it won't affect them in the same way that I think it affects me that it won't be as corrosive. I don't know that that's what it'll be but I hope that final question. Sagittarius. Your your prescient your prescient the Mets. What accounts for your love for the Mets. I'm a loser. And losers love to lose. My family is from Brooklyn and the Bronx. And so my mother's side of the family were Yankee fans. My father's side of the family were. That was my wife. She but so what happened was when the Dodgers left to go to LA you weren't allowed to flip your allegiance you just had to wait. And so when the Mets came that was the so it was really a birthright more than it was. Well it's a Yankee fan. I wish you all the luck in the world. John Stuart. Thank you. John Stuart. We spoke last week at the New Yorker Festival and I want to send a special thank you to our colleagues who put the festival together including Katherine Sterling Amanda Miller Julia Rothschild Nico Brown. Michael Etherington and so many more. Thank you to all my colleagues. The New Yorker Radio Hour is a co-production of WNYC Studios and The New Yorker. Our theme music was composed and performed by Merrill Garbus of Tune Yarns with additional music by Louis Mitchell and Jared Paul. This episode was produced by Max Balton, Adam Howard, David Krasnel, Jeffrey Masters, Louis Mitchell, Jared Paul and Ursula Summer. With guidance from Emily Boteen and assistance from Michael May, David Gable, Alex Barisch, Victor Guant and Alejandra Deccan. The New Yorker Radio Hour is supported in part by the Cherina Endowment Fund. I'm Amy Nicholson, the film critic for the LA Times. And I'm Paul Scheer, an actor, writer and director. You might know me from The League, Veep or my non-eligible for Academy Award role in Twisters. We come together to host Unspooled, a podcast where we talk about good movies, critical hits, fan favorites, must-sees and a case you missed them. We're talking Parasite the Home Alone. From Grease to the Dark Knight. So if you love movies like we do, come along on our cinematic adventure. Listen to Unspooled wherever you get your podcasts. And don't forget to hit the follow button.