It's easy to take democracy and civil society for granted when it's all you have known. Americans are aware of the repression and brutality in faraway lands, but for most, a tocrace is a word, not a threat, not a way of life. If you are born in an unfree state like my guest, Alexander Matvey, you can have her, it is a different story. We were both born in the Syubesky, Soviet Socialist, Syubesky, Republic, known to you as the USSR, Union of Soviet Socialist Republics. But our paths diverged when the Soviet Union collapsed and disintegrated. My nation became Russia again, and after less than a decade of fragile democracy, it was dragged back into authoritarian darkness by dictator Vladimir Putin. In contrast, my guest, New Independent Homeland of Ukraine, despite predictable struggles, has had a long series of those most wonderful things, real and unpredictable elections. Russia's failure to resist Putin's mafia takeover and Ukraine's success in fighting back against it contained many useful lessons for Americans and anyone else who risks taking their rights and freedoms for granted. Gradually, Ukraine's fight has not ended. Russia's aggressive war against its European neighbor will fail, of that I'm sure. And it will be Ukraine's robust society, not just its military, that will see that happen. From that logic, this is a talker in America. I'm Yerika Spov. My guest is Alexander Matvichuk. She is a lawyer by training and has a nurse as a leading figure in documenting the atrocities of Russia's war in Ukraine. She leads the center for civil liberties, which won the Nobel Peace Prize in 2022. As you'll hear, she speaks with the strengths and optimism, but also pain. It comes with the deep understanding of the horror of this war and what could come after. Hello, Alexandra. Thank you very much for joining our program. Thank you very much. Let's jump right in. You're a best in Kiev. Tell us what things have been like there recently. Just three hours ago, I had a webinar devoted to the problem of legally detained civilians. And during this webinar, the ear attacks started. And I had to excuse myself and to go to bomb shelter. And two ballistic rockets hit, not Kiev, but Odessa. And just three hours ago, one person were killed and eight person were injured. This is a daily life now in Ukraine. The war is a lottery. When we go to bed, we have no idea whether or not we will get up next morning, because you have never know what next residential building will be hit. It's difficult to live in such conditions, but we try to adapt to this new normality. Because Russians came to stole everything from us. Our children, our country, our future, our freedom, our democratic choice, our families, our joy, our love, and we decided not to provide them this chance. OK, you just talk very passionately about your country, your culture. Everything that is so dear to you and millions and millions of your competitors. So for many in America or Europe, there's still a kind of confusion. Tell them, what is Ukraine? Why Ukraine is Russia? That's a very simple question. Because it is a massive propaganda. That is, of course, being channeled through various media entities, directly, directly sponsored by Russia, simply laid down the history of Ukraine and up to this moment, communicating back to people who would like to know the truth. Why all these assumptions are false? It's a false narrative. Because Ukraine is Ukraine and Ukraine today, as I believe, as being Russian, is defending the frontline of our civilization. Let me tell you my personal story. I was born in Russian speaking family. So my first language was Russian. And I started to study Ukrainian language in the school. And then when I started to learn history, I suddenly understood that I was born not in Russian speaking family. I was born in forcibly Russified speaking family. Because native language of my father was Ukrainian. But my father, he decided to become a doctor and all education in Soviet Ukraine, in schools and universities was only in Russian. Ukrainian language was banned. And even more, if you want to make a career, if you want to be treated as normal person, not secondary, you have to speak Russian. And my father, he's not fighter. He just wants to be normal. He don't want to be secondary. So he switched from Ukrainian to Russian language. And then it's become his daily practice. And this is how this policy of localization works, that your language, your culture, it's treated something secondary. And if you still manifest your identity, you will never make career in such a country. And when I understood it, being a child in a school, I decided to switch to Ukrainian. Because I understood that my native language was stolen from me, that it's a huge historical injustice. So it's a really existential fight. Because we speak about genocide and I'm a lawyer. I know that genocide is a crime of crimes. It's very difficult to prove it. But from the common sense, from the human logic, if you want partially or completely to destroy some concrete national group, to exterminate some nation, there is no necessity for you to do it physically, to kill all representatives. You can just forcibly chain their identity and entire nation will disappear. And that is what's going on with other nation during Russian empire times and during Soviet empire times. And that is why now the majority people in Belarus speak Russian. They language their identity also stolen from them. You ask me why we survived after all this pressure during centuries. And I think that is because of freedom. It's because of our values. It's scientists told that freedom is value of self-determination. But I think that in our case, freedom is survival value. Because if we will not be so consistent in our fight for freedom and for independence, if our cultural elite were and so brave to manifest Ukrainian identity even being persecuted, jailed, killed, we will never survive. So freedom for us, it's not just self-determination value. Freedom for us is a value which helps us to survive. Yeah, again, I always feel quite uncomfortable by just asking this question because as a Russian, I also feel as there's a small portion of guilt just for belonging to this imperial mentality. Though I have quite a long history of opposing Putin and his criminal regime. So you were born in the Soviet Union. You went to school just at a time where the Soviet Union was about to collapse. And Ukraine independence was proclaimed. So when do you think that is the split between Ukraine and Russia, this drift became visible and the further tragic events became inevitable? At what point do you think that this gap have become irreconcilable? 2014, we have mass protests which was called revolution of dignity and millions of people stood up their voice and came to streets and they peacefully demonstrated against pro-Russian, corrupt, or seretarian governments. They just wanted to build the country where the rights of everybody are protected. Government is accountable. Judiciary is independent and police do not bid students who are peacefully demonstrating. And this vision of future united people from all part of the country. And this is very essential. We have different religions. We have different past and personal experience, but all of us want the same future for us and for our children. We want to see our future democratic, peaceful, and independent. Okay, I think now it's very important that we analyze with your help the reasons for this war. What is the core of this war, of this Putin's aggression? What is at stake? Is it territories or it's much bigger? For sure, it's much bigger. We have to look to the roots of this war. This war started not in February 2022. This war started in February 2014. When Ukraine obtained a chance for democratic transition after the collapse of pro-Russian or seretarian regime due to revolution of dignity. And in order to stop us on this way, Putin occupied Crimea and the assistant regions of Ukraine in 2014, 11 years ago, and three years ago, he extended this war to the large-scale invasion. Because Putin is not afraid of NATO. Putin is afraid of idea of freedom. And that is why this is not just a war between two states, Russia and Ukraine. This is a war between two systems, also retiringism and democracy. And that is why China helps Russia to avoid sanctions. Iran provided Russia with rockets and drones. North Korea sent to Russia their soldiers and troops. Because all this regime, they have something in common. They have the same idea what a human being is. They see people as an object to be controlled. They deny them and they have rights and freedoms. But let's be honest, Putin organized large-scale invasion, not because he wants to occupy just more part of Ukraine and land. Putin started this war for something bigger. He wants to occupy and destroy the whole country and move further. He sees Ukraine as a bridge to Europe. His logic is historical. He dreams about his legacy. He wants to be seen in a world history as a person who managed to restore Soviet empire. Ukraine is not just a goal. Ukraine is a tool. And empire has a center, but has no borders. Empire always tries to expand, to invade another country, to kill people there, to destroy the identity, to colonize the territories and move further. Agreed. But tell us, you have been very effective while tirelessly revealing the crimes of Putin's occupying forces. Do you have sense that people who you are addressing recognize that Vladimir Putin is an existential threat to this global order? Frankly speaking, I know that people even don't know that Putin is the biggest child kidnapper in the world. People don't know that international criminal court issued official Everest warrant again, President Putin and his child commissioner, Maria Lvivov-Abelova, for the crime against children, because they abducted Danof Sousans, Ukrainian children, and forcibly moved them to Russia. So he is literally the biggest child kidnapper in the world. And unfortunately, people don't know even such detail. Let me tell you one story. This is a story of children writer Volodymyr Vakulenko. He wrote beautiful stories for Ukrainian children in Ukrainian language and entire generation of Ukrainian children brought up on his day this book. During Russian occupation of Kharkiv region, he disappeared. I know his family, personally. His family hoped to the last that he is alive, but like thousands and thousands other Ukrainian civilians are illegally kept in Russian captivity. But when Ukrainian army released Kharkiv region, we found mass graves in the forest. In these mass graves, we found dead bodies of civilians, men, women, and children. Some dead bodies have a hand-stied under their backs. Some of dead bodies have a visible sign of horrible tortures. And in the grave, under the number 319, we found a dead body of this children writer. You can ask me, why Russians killed children writer who wrote beautiful story for Ukrainian children in Ukrainian language. But the answer is very simple, because they could. Because Russian occupation is not just changing one state flag to another. It's not just when Ukrainian children have to go to occupied school and start their every morning with a forceful singing of Russian national asom. Russian occupation, it's in first disappearances, it's torture, it's rape, denial of your identity, forceful adoption of your own children, filtration camps, and mass graves. This is Russian occupation. And I know that some politicians abroad, they have this wishful thinking that they were so horrible that, okay, occupation is not good, but at least it will stop the war and decrease human suffering. But believe me, I document war crimes in occupied territories for 11 years. Occupation doesn't stop human suffering. Occupation just makes human suffering invisible. You said again that the war, the real war, started 11 years ago in February 2014. And many in the West still don't get it. For instance, the current administration, the Donald Trump, you know, was bragged that, oh, there was no war when I was in the office, referring to his first term. So please again, I apologize by just for pushing you say, it wasn't war because people got killed, you know, the Russia was already absorbing some of your territories back in 2016, 1718, 1920, preparing for mass scale invasion. When I interviewed people who survived Russian captivity, they told me that Russians see the future like this. First, we'll occupy Ukraine and then together with you, we will go to conquer another country. And the process of forcible mobilization of Ukrainian citizens to Russian army, all this years is still going on in occupied territories. We have in occupied territories, one million 600 Ukrainian children. Russian introduced the forcible militarization of this one million 600 Ukrainian children. For example, the parents forced to give the children to so-called sports and education camps. And in this camps, Ukrainian children learn how to use weapons, say, Mars, they used military uniforms, they line up, and served Russians, installing in the mind of Ukrainian children, unquestionable obedience. So they try to convince children that they have no will, that freedom does not exist for them at all. And why I emphasize on this, it's not just a problem of Ukraine, that Russia is preparing a new generation of Putin's soldier from this one million 600 Ukrainian children. It's not just human rights violations, it's not just international crimes. It's a real global threat to security of people in different countries. We'll do right back. Hi, I'm Van Nukirk, senior editor at The Atlantic. When I publish a story, my hope is that it's illuminating enough that you want to share it with others. Because I know that when I read a great article, I want to give that experience to someone else. That's the spirit behind the Atlantic's new premium plus subscription, which includes unlimited access for you and three other people. Maybe they're family. Maybe they're friends. Whoever they are, you can now share all of our journalism with them, for less than $4 a week. For a limited time, you'll also get the beautiful Atlantic scrapbook and a special tote bag. Subscribe to premium plus today at the Atlantic.com slash plus. That's PLUS. Now, let's move from Europe to the United States. That's the main backer of Ukraine. Undoubtedly, America provided some crucial support for Ukraine to survive and just to resist and keep fighting successful against Russia. Again, going back to 2014, just tell us about the view of Ukrainians of American engagement. Or you may say, this engagement at certain periods over these 11 years. Let's start with 2014 with Obama's administration decision to basically accept it. So what did people think about America and America's role and its gradual change over these 11 years? It's a good question because I think that the main political decision is made from the short-term perspective, but this decision will have a long-term perspective. Well, long-term consequences. Exactly. This means that in 2014, the international community failed the Putin test. Civilized world clawed their eyes to this. The sanctions were so weak. It was ridiculous. It was a lip service. We know it was a lip service. This is the no measures were taken to cut the dependence of Europe from Russian oil and gas. Germany continued to build gas pipeline with Russia. They shaken Putin hands. They do businesses usual. So they failed the test. And that is why the long-term consequences of this political decision in 2014 now is large-scale war. There is a good Russian pro-web. Apatized grows during the launch. So when the West failed test in 2014, Putin decided, okay, I can move those. In 2022, when Russia started large-scale war, United States and other international partners, they said, let's help Ukraine not to fail. And we start to receive first weapons to be able to defend ourselves. And first to be all sanctions against Russia finally went reduced into force. And we are extremely grateful, especially for ordinary people in United States, who are their government to help Ukraine. Because you help us to survive. I can speak now with you only because of your support. And thank you for this. But this also an explanation why Ukraine was waiting for more than two years. Why we still waiting for a lot of weapons which need urgently is needed just to stop Russian army because there is a huge difference between two narratives. Let's help Ukraine not to fail and let Ukraine to win. And this difference has practical meaning. We can measure this difference all these three years in types of weapons, gravity of sanctions and speed of decisions. Now situation is completely changed. President Trump told that he want to stop this Russian war for Russian against Ukraine because he care about people who died in this war. And this is a good intent. People in Ukraine, one piece much more than anyone else. We just know that peace doubt and come when country which was in a way that stopped fighting. Because that's not peace. That's occupation and occupation. It's just in other forms of the war. So this means that if American leadership is care about people dying in this war, they also have to care about people dying in Russian prison, you know, capitals. They also have to care about Ukrainian children who are forcibly deported to Russia. They also have to care about people who suffer in daily in this grey zone. They have no tools how to defend themselves. We speak about millions. They have to care about this. And I know that people in United States support our struggle for freedom. We are very far from geographical point of view, but we are very close for the value point of view. What is in European? Why the free world didn't want to see Putin's open preparation for the full scale invasion of Ukraine? Because I have another logic. I'm not naive. I don't speak about just human rights logic. I speak about pragmatic logic. They thought that it was irrational for Putin to start large scale war. Because he will be in isolation. The war resulted in hundreds of thousands of human losses also from Russian side. Because it's decreased the potential of Russian economy. So they think it was irrational to start large scale war. Because they base their decision on pragmatic basis. But once again, the Putin logic is historical. He don't care about Russian people. He don't care about economy. He cares about how his name will be written in the world history. He cares about his legacy. I guess he cares even about his power. But again, I agree. So it's different logic that they didn't want to admit existed. Next, by the administration. They tried to stop the war. But it failed. Because again, probably didn't understand that Putin was determined to go in this war. And negotiations were always treated by Putin as a sign of weakness. February 24, 2022. Ukraine is under direct assault. And Biden administration expected Ukraine to collapse. So, for Zelensky to evacuate, they heard in response the historic phrase, you know, Churchill like phrase, you know, I don't need the right and the ammunition. Ukraine survived, defeated Russians in the Battle of Kiev. Next, Biden administration sticks to formula. We stand with Ukraine as long as it takes your reaction. Plus to this formula, it was another formula, which I called non-excollation management. The West and United States as well, they have some red lines with a drone for themselves. That if they will do this, Putin became angry and it will escalate the situation. And I think it's a very wrong policy. Because it's Russia who has to be afraid to cross red lines, not the West. Now, we have Donald Trump back in the office. And tell us, did Ukraine society have high expectations about Donald Trump's return to the office? For entry speaking, yes. I was surprised, but I saw the social survey. And people in Ukraine, they provide a much high level of trust to President Donald Trump. Then, for example, people from the countries of European Union. I think it's because President Trump openly articulated that he will stop Putin. And Ukrainians expect that he will demonstrate strength to stop Putin. But again, so far, we don't see Donald Trump acting with the same strengths against Putin. Or at least with the same vigor, with the same rage as being expressed against the South American traditional allies. But there's always hope and understand that people in Ukraine, they can't afford losing hope. But there's a very important knowledge that comes from your tragic experience about the true nature of the war. And the simple question is, how does this war end? What are these scenarios? Isn't realistic to think about peace deal with Putin? Or this war has only two outcomes? Destruction of Ukraine or collapse of Putin's regime? Let's return to the near past. Because we have two peace agreements with Russia. Before our skill was started, we have this Minsk court and eight years of so-called cease-fire, which Russia violated almost daily, and people died almost daily. And it was no negative consequences for Russia for these relations. So, people in Ukraine remember this experience. And that's why we want sustainable peace. Putin will stop only when he will be stopped. The problem is that the only language which dictates or understands it's a language of strengths. They see all other attempts to negotiate as a sign of weakness. They can imitate the peace process. Why not? To decrease the sanctions and to prepare better. Because how they use this eight years of peace agreement with Ukraine, they build a powerful military base in occupied Ukrainian territories. They prepare the army. They train their army. They retreat. They regroup. They prepare the economy for the possible way of sanctions. And they start a tech. So, this is a logic. But what is important to demonstrate strengths, which makes Putin understand that it's impossible for him to achieve his goal, to destroy the whole Ukraine and to go further and to attack another countries and forcible restore Soviet empire. If we will not demonstrate strengths, it means that he will just postpone this goal for several months or for another period. So, you are telling us that Ukraine would continue fighting for justice, not just for herself. But for the free world. So, you will stand firm at this frontier that separates now the free world and the world of tyranny. And the battle will go on even if there are some pauses, temporary ceasefires. Because the war between tyranny and freedom cannot end in a draw as in a game of chess. I think that this war will end with strengths. And strengths, it's not just military performance. We have also demonstrated the strengths of spirit. Because we are fighting for something which has no limitation in national borders. It's freedom. We are fighting for freedom in all senses, for a freedom to be independent country, not to have Russian side and not to become Russian colony. For a freedom to preserve our Ukrainian identity, our Ukrainian language, our Ukrainian culture, and not to be forced to educate Ukrainian children as Russians. And for a freedom to have our democratic choice, to build the country where the rights of everybody are protected. And we are paying the highest price just for this chance. Yes, the price Ukraine has paid and has been paying. It's enormous. And that must be the ultimate wake-up call for the free world. This is the lesson. This is the most important historic lesson that freedom has a price. And you have to be willing to pay this price. You don't have to pay just every day, but there will be pivotal moments in history where you have to show your readiness to pay and to make a sacrifice. And this is something that has been forgotten in the free world and being reminded. Every day being reminded by immense Ukrainian sacrifice, resilience, and devotion to the cause of freedom. So I can't end this conversation with anything else, but saying, Slava Ukraine. Hello, I'm Slava. Alexander, thank you very much. Thank you very much. This episode of Autocross in America was produced by Arlene O'Revallo, our editor is Dave Shaw, original music and mix by Rob Smircia, fact-checking by Inna Alvarado, special thanks to Polina Kasparov and Migringuert. Claude Nibay is executive producer of Atlantic Audio. Andre O'Revallo is our managing editor. Next time, Autocross in America. The far right has so politicized the notion of truth that it is hard to get people to even talk about it, but I think that there will be a swing back in the pendulum that someday. Whether that happens in the United States is a very complicated situation right now, but I think the world at large is not going to be satisfied with the state of affairs where you can't trust anything. I'm Gary Kasparov. See you back here next week. Hi, I'm Van Newkirk, senior editor at The Atlantic. When I publish a story in my hope it's that it's illuminating enough that you want to share it with others, because I know that when I read a great article, I want to give that experience to someone else. That's the spirit behind the Atlantic's new premium plus subscription, which includes unlimited access for you and three other people. Maybe they're family. Maybe they're friends. Whoever they are, you can now share all of our journalism with them, for less than $4 a week. For a limited time, you'll also get the beautiful Atlantic scrapbook and a special tote bag. Subscribe to premium plus today at the Atlantic.com slash plus. That's PLUS.
