The Man Who Took On The Klan

Support for NPR and the following message come from the William and Flora Hewlett Foundation, investing in creative thinkers and problem solvers who help people, communities, and the planet flourish. More information is available at hewlett.org. A note before we get started, this episode contains descriptions of racist violence. Yorkville, South Carolina, July 27th, 1871 Give us your best information with regard to the disturbances in this county at the last election by men in disguise. Well, sir, there is no doubt about the matter. There have been several men killed since the last election. Can you give me the names and circumstances? The first killing I remember was Roundtree. Tell us something about the raids you were on. The first raid I was on was on the 2nd of December, a week or 10 days before the night. Ned Turner came over to the shop where I was at work and told me that they were going to make a raid on Roundtree. Who was Tom Roundtree? He was a black man. What position in his race? He occupied no position at all. What was his politics? He did not meddle in politics much, I don't think. You're hearing readings of testimony about a murder in York County, South Carolina, that happened the year before, in 1870. The men were testifying in front of Congress. Well, when the night came on, I went down there. Some four or five fellows there. I asked them what they was going to do. They said they was going to kill him. I asked them what they were staying there for. They said they were waiting for some people to come from the other side of the river. He then hollered for them all to form a line in the road and start. They went to about a quarter of a mile of Roundtree's house and got down and hitched the horses. Roundtree was a cotton farmer who lived in York County. He had just come back from selling his cotton in Charlotte, North Carolina, with $200 in his pocket. Around 1 o'clock in the morning, 60 or 70 Klansmen surrounded his house. And somebody fired. I don't know which side fired the first gun. When the first gun was fired, about 50 or 75 guns were fired into the cracks and windows of the house. He went up in the loft. They discovered it. Roundtree run to the edge of the loft and shot down at us in the entry. He then jumped out of the window. I run out and run around and just got around when I saw him fall. Henry Sepaw came up and drew a long bowie knife. Then they shot him and cut his throat. It was moonlight. They had balls of turpentine and lit them. That got the attention of practically everybody. Tom Roundtree's killing was part of the Ku Klux Klan's campaign to restore white power in South Carolina by keeping Black people from the ballot box. And it gets to be really chaotic. Over the next several months, Black folks start burning gin houses and crops of white farmers around York County. Black resistance spawned white reprisal. The Klan embarked on a reign of terror in the South Carolina upcountry. The violence got so bad that the governor of South Carolina sent a telegram to President Ulysses S. Grant warning that South Carolina was in a state of war. He even threatened to declare martial law. The Civil War had ended only a few years before. Enter Amos Ackerman, a former Confederate soldier and slaveholder, and the newly appointed Attorney General of the United States. Ackerman was in charge of the brand new Department of Justice, created to enforce federal law in the South and protect Black people from violence. He believed in the rule of law, and he had the power of the U.S. federal government at his disposal. He comes in and he's interested in one thing. He's interested in getting rid of the Ku Klux Klan. But that would prove easier said than done. I'm Randa Abdel Fattah. And I'm Ramtin Adab-Louis. Today on the show, the man who took on the Klan. Hi, this is Carolyn from Lappinger's Falls, New York, and you're listening to ThruLine from NPR. This message comes from WISE, the app for international people using money around the globe. You can send, spend, and receive in up to 40 currencies with only a few simple taps. Be smart. Get WISE. Download the WISE app today or visit WISE.com. T's and C's apply. Support for NPR and the following message come from the William and Flora Hewlett Foundation. Investing in creative thinkers and problem solvers who help people, communities, and the planet flourish. More information is available at Hewlett.org. Part 1. There had never been peace. When the war began and black Carolinians heard the first shots, a lot of those people heard the sound of freedom. And that was true for black people across the South. The end of the war, it came just like that. Like you snap your fingers. How did you know the end of the war had come? How did we know it? Hallelujah broke out. Felix Haywood, enslaved in Texas. I remember someone saying, asking a question. You got to say, Master? And somebody answered and said, Nah. Sarah Jane Patterson, enslaved in Georgia. Something begins to work up here. I begins to think and to know things. And I knew then I could make a living for my own self, and I never had to be a slave no more. Robert Falls, enslaved North Carolina. Everybody went wild. We all felt like heroes, and nobody had made us that way but ourselves. We were free. Just like that, we were free. Legally, there's a new situation, but the notion of freedom is, and it was for them, a vague and amorphous notion. The Civil War began in 1861, and within two years, President Abraham Lincoln had issued the Emancipation Proclamation, which declared that all people who were enslaved in the Confederacy were free. And when the Confederacy was defeated in 1865, the federal government passed the 13th Amendment, which outlawed slavery across the United States. The slaves where I lived knew after the war that they had abundance of that something called freedom. What they could not eat, wear, and sleep in. Ezra Adams, enslaved in South Carolina. We soon found out that freedom could make folks proud, but it didn't make them rich. Yes, sir. They soon found out that freedom ain't nothing, lest you got us something to live on and a place to call home. And they knew that to really be free, they had to do things. This is Bernard Powers. He's the director of the Center for the Study of Slavery in Charleston at the College of Charleston in South Carolina. They had to determine what freedom looked like, and that's what they did in so many ways. They're faced with a constellation of options and decisions. This is Kadada Williams. The author of I Saw Death Coming, a history of terror and survival in the war against Reconstruction. And professor of history at Wayne State University. Where do you live? Where do you work? And they make all of those decisions in freedom. First, you go find your loved ones who were sold away from you. You can see advertisements that they put in local newspapers for husbands, wives, children that had been sold away. They rush into securing housing. Create schools to learn how to read and write. Doing what they can to acquire land, finding employment. They decided that if they were free, they could labor in whatever way they decided. Pressing lawmakers to make sure that their rights are protected. And they have to do this because every single move they make is contested. The master says we are all free, but it don't mean we is white, and it don't mean we is equal. George King, enslaved in South Carolina. In the years after the war, much of the South was in shambles. Virtually all of the fighting during the Civil War occurred in the South. And so there was widespread destruction and disrepair. In other words, brutal. Those places were abandoned, and they suffered tremendous damage from the bombs. There had been a surrender, of course, in 1865 at Appomattox, but there had never been peace. I'm Guy Gugliotta, former journalist for the Washington Post. Guy wrote a book called Grant's Enforcer, Taking Down the Klan. The South had lost one-fifth of its male population. Its economy, based on plantation agriculture and slavery, was no more. For both white and black Southerners, the end of the war upended the social and economic order that had existed for generations. There was nothing to replace it. Amos Ackerman was one of the many white Southerners who now found themselves unsure of where they belonged in the world. Before the war... He was a very successful attorney in northern Georgia. He had moved to the south from New Hampshire to escape the cold for health reasons He was worried about two things as far as I could see Worried about getting out of debt and worried about God He spent a lot of time in church. He's really a bore. He's just super serious. Very, very, very dull. When the war began, Ackerman saw how the federal government responded to the first invasions of the Confederate Army. He's disgusted because Confederates invaded this big federal armory, and the federal government didn't do anything about it. Ackerman, much later, says, I like a strong government. He said, and this government wasn't strong. If this government wouldn't protect itself, I wasn't going to protect it. It was federal weakness which kind of drove him into the Confederacy. federal weakness, and also the fact that he himself was a slaveholder who enslaved 11 people. After the war, the world around Ackerman had turned on its head. He basically saw the writing on the wall, the side he had fought for, lost. And above his devotion to the Confederacy was his devotion to the rule of law. Slavery was illegal, and that was simply the law now. However unlikely it might have seemed, Amos Ackerman did a complete about-face. Some of us who had adhered to the Confederacy felt it to be our duty that we were to participate in the politics of the Union. To let Confederate ideas rule us no longer. Regarding the subjugation of one race by the other as an appurtenance of slavery, we were content that it should go to the grave in which slavery had been buried. Reconstruction was an effort to reconcile the outcomes of the Civil War. So it's, you know, a series of policies, but it's also a process as the nation tries to figure out a new way forward. But it also means trying to figure out what it means to include newly freed African Americans into the body politic. Among white Southerners, a certain kind of rhetoric started to emerge. White Southerners coming out of the Civil War, they rightfully, you know, one could understand that they might fear that Black people are going to attack them. There is a sense of what will they do to us after what we have done to them. There are even federal lawmakers that are wringing their hands and saying, well, you know, are Black people seeking revenge? The reality is that there is no evidence at all of Black people instigating this violence. What they are doing is defending themselves against it in a way that they weren't necessarily doing in slavery. And that's why you see white supremacists, they kind of up the ante with the organized violence when it becomes clear that they're not going to be able to stop Black people from seizing their freedom. The Ku Klux Klan, the most notorious of these white terror organizations, was founded in 1866 in Tennessee. The Klan is engaged in these early days in these kind of pranks and they're performing musical entertainment. Just because the Klan is not organized in Carolina until 1868, it doesn't mean that there was an absence of white terrorist organizations. They exist from the very beginning of the years following the war. The KKK is just the one that was probably the most well-organized and the one that received the greatest publicity. And it's really triggered by the success of political reconstruction. Once Black men have the right to vote, they really start to get involved in the political violence. In 1867, the Reconstruction Acts were passed. They placed the Confederate states under military rule until they ratified the 14th Amendment and established new state constitutions that guaranteed equal rights and protections to African Americans. Under the Reconstruction Acts, Black men in southern states could vote and hold office for the first time. This opens the floodgates and Black men rush through them. In 1867, only about 1% of Black men are registered to vote. But by the end of the year, upwards of 80% of Black men are registered to vote. It's a complete metamorphosis politically. In South Carolina, you'll get the creation of the black body politic. And the thing to keep in mind is this. South Carolina is a state that has a black majority. When the state elections are held in the spring of 1868, African Americans occupied the majority of seats. This is the only place. It's the only place during Reconstruction in the South where there was a Black majority in either house of a state legislature. Obviously, Black people had never seen this, had never participated in a process like this, nor had whites, and they were outraged. Rather than accept Black political rule, they turned to violence. Testimony of Henry Lipscomb, Spartanburg, South Carolina, July 11, 1871. Were the colored people there afraid? They were not so afraid at the start. At the election, they were not afraid. They went up and voted, every one of them. and some swam the river in order to and some waited. But after the coup clucking started and they whipped some and killed some and got their guns, they were scared. In many cases, it was horrific, terrible. They came about midnight. They came to take me or kill me, I reckon. How were these men dressed? This man had on white all together, Plum all around, and a disguise across the face. A little white, and I could see red eyes and lips. There was relative safety in the cities. Charleston, Georgetown, Beaufort. The Cotton counties are just overwhelmingly black. If the Klan tries to mess around down there, it's pretty dangerous for them. But up in the upcountry, in Spartanburg County, York County, Union County, these counties are all pretty much equally divided between blacks and whites. When one went into the interior particularly, you're moving away from the streetlights. You live out on farms and your nearest neighbors could be miles away. So your ability to receive aid and protection and even to band together is much more limited in the countryside because the population is much more diffuse. While Black people were enslaved, their lives had value, right? So enslavers aren't just killing the people they hold in bondage all willy-nilly, but Black people seizing their freedom. It's a completely different story. And so this violence is much more likely to be deadly. Why were you afraid to sleep in your house? They had killed Mr. Alf Owens, a white man down there, and a Black man named Jim Peeler, and one named Tom Roundtree. I could hear them say they allowed to go to every radical man's house, and that scared me. Did you sleep in the woods? Yes, sir. There really is no peace for Black people who are trying to live upright and to be free in the South. And that is very clear by virtue of the violence that they are experiencing and witnessing on a daily basis. People think, well, I thought this person was an ally, and then they were in the raid the night before. That's the reality of terror. The issue, really, then, is how does the North and how do Republican politicians in Washington, in Congress, respond? Well, they respond with hope. They hope that the situation will get better. But unfortunately, they don't respond with enough action. What starts to happen as the violence goes on and on and on and as it escalates, there is a greater sense of moral injury that the federal government is going to let this violence slide. You had, you know, northern conservatives who are in the Democratic Party at this time saying, this is just Southern culture. There's nothing to see here. There's nothing going on here. We don't need to pay attention, and we certainly don't need federal troops to do anything about it. We don't need new laws. This is just the way the South is. Just like before the Civil War, Georgia attorney Amos Ackerman saw the federal government failing to respond to challenges to its authority. He was getting frustrated with their weak stance, and he was not afraid to be open about it. I think that difficulties arise mainly from the disturbances in the minds of the people on account of the war and its results, and the changes brought in society by these causes. Ackerman appeared before Congress and said, this is what you do. Some action by Congress is desirable, and that action should be founded upon the power which Congress possesses under the 14th Amendment of the Constitution. You've just passed the 14th Amendment. The 14th Amendment says that everybody born in the United States is a citizen. If you're a citizen, you've got rights. And so black folks are citizens. When the Ku Klux Klan just breaks into houses, terrorizes people, lynches people, murders people, steals from people, why don't you make those federal crimes try them in federal court as civil rights violations? I have no doubt of the fact that Congress possesses such power. Ackerman caught President Grant's eye, and he offered him a position as the nation's new attorney general, which took the whole country by surprise. At this time, Ackerman was a stranger to the national stage. Nobody knew his name. And he had fought for the Confederacy. So what made Grant think that Ackerman was the best choice to enforce Reconstruction laws that most former Confederate soldiers saw as not only a humiliating reminder of their defeat, but also a huge overreach of federal powers? Grant wanted to reconcile with the South, and so he needed a Southerner in the cabinet. and Ackerman was indeed the only Southerner ever to serve in a Reconstruction cabinet. When Ackerman took office in 1870, he was ready to use the federal power at his disposal to enforce the law. He comes in and he's interested in one thing. He's interested in getting rid of the Ku Klux Klan, and that's all he wants to do. He's not interested in anything else. Coming up Amos Ackerman sends the Department of Justice into South Carolina Hello my name is Imani Rosario I'm calling from Princeton, New Jersey. I am a smarter, more informed, and probably more interesting person. Having found and started listening to your podcast, You are listening to Throughline on NPR. I don't know how many there was. I call them Ku Klux. In early March 1871, the Ku Klux Klan arrived at Jim Williams' house in York County. He was there with his wife, Rose, and their children. Jim Williams was an active civil rights leader. He was also the captain of a state militia company based in York County. In South Carolina, the state militia is organized by the Republican administration. The state militia essentially becomes a black militia. It is comprised of black men because southern white men would not really join it. Jim Williams' company was actively engaged in resisting Klan activities. They were one of the only lines of defense the black community had against the Klan. and so it was only a matter of time before Jim became a target. Rose Williams hid in her house all night with her children. It was only once the sun rose that she was able to go outside. Her husband's body was discovered that next morning. He had been lynched by the Klan. It went off like an explosion in South Carolina. It was clear that the Klan had targeted Williams because he was such a public figure. South Carolina's attorney general told the press that civil authorities were unable, because of the Klan, to enforce the laws. In other words, it was like another mini-civil war was unfolding right in South Carolina. and the government was losing. The governor of South Carolina, a pro-Reconstruction Republican, even sent a desperate telegram to President Grant. An actual state of war exists in York and Chester counties, fighting for four days by Ku Klux from North Carolina. I will be compelled to declare martial law. The federal government had a problem. Republicans in Congress recognize that their ability to continue ruling is going to be endangered if Black men are being killed and if they can't vote or if they're being assassinated. For the past year, Congress had been passing a series of laws designed to protect the rights of newly emancipated Black people and regain order and control over white supremacist violence in the South. They were known as the Enforcement Acts. The final one of these acts was also known as the KKK Act, the Ku Klux Klan Act. Congress passed the KKK Act in April 1871, a little over a month after Jim Williams' murder. And this was the act that would allow Amos Ackerman to prosecute the Klan in South Carolina. When you see this at the top level, at the congressional level, you say, oh my goodness, well, Congress is doing things. It's acting. Except the problem is at the implementation level. And so you see these measures occurring that have been passed by Congress, seeming to indicate growing strength and commitment to Reconstruction. Except at the state level. In South Carolina, the Klan held a lot of power in local communities. From business owners to physicians to legislators, white South Carolinians from all kinds of backgrounds had ties to the Klan. What we know is that the political climate they create is that you don't need to be a formal member of the organization to partake in the activities. So it can be difficult to understand who's in, who's, quote, in the organization. You know, you move in and out of this activity. You know, you go to church on Sunday morning and, you know, Saturday night you participated in a Klan raid. This made it really hard to enforce the law. And the Grant administration will begin to more aggressively implement the enforcement acts, working along with the newly organized Justice Department that Amos Ackerman will head. Ackerman's most important job was to prove that the Ku Klux Klan was a conspiracy. — That it was an actual organization, with leaders and members, meetings and plans that they carried out to inflict terror on Black people. Looking back from our vantage point, it seems obvious. We know today that the Ku Klux Klan was a real organization. But back then, this was a group shrouded in rumor and mystery. To the federal government, it wasn't clear exactly what it was or how deep the conspiracy went. Ackerman needed to discover its leaders, its members, and figure out what kind of planned violence the organization was responsible for. South Carolina was seen as kind of a test case. If Ackerman won, it would be a dramatic expansion of the role the federal government could play in enforcing civil rights. it could even mean the end of the Klan. But could he pull it off? That's coming up. This is Todd from Minneapolis. I've been a listener since your very first episode. And I can't help but think that some people see history as a tale of caution and others see it as a plan to be recreated. Here, this is The Thru Line from NPR. Part 3. Wins and Losses. If Amos Ackerman was going to arrest the Ku Klux Klan in raids, he was going to need men on the ground. And Louis Merrill was one of those guys. Merrill was an Army officer sent to York County, which was one of nine South Carolina counties where the federal government wanted to investigate the Klan. But before Merrill and his troops could make any arrests, he needed to build strong cases against Klan members, a feat that was tough in the South. Merrill wasn't getting any help from local law enforcement, and his troops were met with insults by the locals. But the investigations persisted, and for months, Louis Merrill developed white informants, followed leads from black residents. He reviewed legal records and coroner's reports. and in October of 1871, President Ulysses S. Grant gave Merrill and his troops authority to go after the Klan. The raids began. So Merrill goes after him. He just starts rolling them up. He goes to the house of a very big leader of the Klan. He sends one of his lieutenants there. They arrest the father, and then the lieutenant asks his daughter, Where's the pledge? The pledge taken by Klan members. The daughter says, oh, it's right here, and opens the desk and hands him the pledge. Some of the Klan members fled the county. Some even fled the country during the raids. But Merrill and his troops did arrest several Klan leaders, including men accused in Tom Roundtree's and Jim Williams' murders. Merrill's people, the cavalry, are just riding through York County, just pulling people in by the dozen. Most of the arrests happened in broad daylight with no resistance. So they start to come in, they start to confess, and he's collecting this huge body of material. These people are pleading out as rapidly as they possibly can. They're just taking confessions like one after the other and telling them everything about what's happened. It's absolutely chaotic. In the end, almost 200 people were held in a building that had been converted into a jail. And hundreds more were paroled, waiting to be called to trial. The trials took place in the ballroom of the biggest hotel in Columbia, South Carolina, the capital of the state. Picture this T-shape. The judges are at the head of the T. and along one side of the T are the prosecution and on the other side are the defense lawyers. The jury is sitting over against the wall. The jurors were mostly black men. South Carolina had a majority black population and potential white jurors also refused to serve, either as a boycott or because they feared or were part of the Klan. The rest of the room is filled. of Black folks sitting on one side and white folks sitting on the other. Well, there are two things that the prosecution wants to do. They want to convict the Klansmen, obviously. But what they want to do is they want to put teeth on the 14th Amendment. The 14th Amendment enshrined equal protections under the Constitution. I want to show that these crimes, hate crimes, are violations of the civil rights of the victims. Amos Ackerman and his prosecutors argued that the 14th Amendment gave the federal government power over states to uphold these equal protections. And since the state of South Carolina hadn't protected Black people from the Klan, they argued the federal government could. But the 14th Amendment had just been ratified a few years before, and what it meant had still not been totally tested. Prosecutor David Corbyn told The Room, What does the 14th Amendment mean? Is Congress going to pass an act to explain these words? I have no doubt that Congress cannot explain what those words mean. It must be done by the court. Ackerman and his prosecutors also wanted to convict the Klan for violating other constitutional rights. If you break into somebody's house, you're violating the Fourth Amendment. If you break into somebody's house and take their guns, you're violating the Second Amendment. These people are citizens. There is no reason why these crimes can't be prosecuted in federal court, just like the civil rights violations. But prosecutors weren't convincing enough. Even the judges were afraid of expanding the constitutional powers of the federal government. So if Ackerman and Corbyn were going to have a shot at convicting any Klan members, they had to stick with violations of the Enforcement Act and prove that the Klan and its individual members conspired to prevent Black people from voting You beating people up and you lynching people and you're doing all these crimes, and you're doing it because you don't want these folks to belong to the Republican Party, and you don't want them to vote. And these conspiracy cases had strong witnesses from the Black community. It's made to give unbelievable testimony. Are you the wife of Jim Williams? Yes, sir. Jim Williams' wife, Rose, just describes in detail exactly what happened, how her husband was sort of found hiding underneath the floorboards, taken out. They told me to shut the door and take my children and go to bed. I shut the door but didn't go to bed. I looked out of the crack after them until they got under the shadows of the trees. Walked out into the woods and hung from a pine tree. And this courtroom is just absolutely silent. While the trials were underway, Amos Ackerman was fired up, pushing his rhetoric to sell these prosecutions to the public. He became more and more and more militant as time went on. By the time these trials took place, he was regarded as the most radical member of the cabinet. He actually went up and gave a speech in Brooklyn. Where he commented on KKK men on trial in South Carolina. They are to be convicted. Some would be imprisoned. Some sent to the penitentiary. And some would be hung. And he made it. This new, radicalized Ackerman hadn't just pushed the buttons of former Confederates. President Grant was looking towards the next election. The political tides were changing. Grant began pulling back on using the federal government to go after the KKK. The governor of Georgia requested federal help to deal with the Klan in his state. But Grant refused. Ackerman had also been getting a little too involved in Grant's business interests. He had gotten involved in a couple of cases against a big railroad. And Grant loved businessmen. He loved big railroad people and rich people. So the feeling was, on Ackerman's part, that he had alienated too many rich people, had alienated the railroads, and he had to leave. Then, in the middle of the trials, Amos Ackerman was pressured by President Grant to step down. Sir, I hereby resign the Office of Attorney General of the United States. This resignation to take effect in accordance with the wish which you verbally expressed to me today on the 10th of January next. A.T. Ackerman. Department of Justice, December 13th, 1871. Despite Ackerman's resignation, the federal government won many of its conspiracy cases in the South Carolina Klan trials of 1871 and 1872. In the end, there were about 140 convictions, mostly guilty pleas. But after Ackerman resigned and after these first few trials, the political will to prosecute the more than 1,000 open Klan cases fizzled out. The white lawmakers in Congress soon no longer had an appetite for using the federal government's power to prosecute violence against black people like they had before. The advocates just weren't there. Thaddeus Stevens, the Charles Sumners, Lincoln, he was gone. They were gone. Carrying this flag was an increasingly difficult labor. Grant would eventually issue a blanket pardon for all those convicted and for those cases not yet tried. For all of the people who are arrested, hardly anyone does time. And a lot of that is because of the local communities and ongoing resistance to Black people being free, equal and secure, and resistance to the federal government presuming that it should be doing anything in order to stop white Southerners from attacking Black Southerners. On the surface, Ackerman's zealous pursuit of the KKK was a win for the federal government in the middle of Reconstruction. After the trials ended in 1872, the organization more or less disappeared. The Klan, per se, pretty much folded its tents all across the South. The Ku Klux Klan just disappeared, but white terrorism did not. And in the end, Ackerman and the Justice Department never took down the big KKK leaders like they'd wanted. Most of them either fled the counties during the raids or just didn't face major consequences. A lot of people, they never surrender themselves to the government. They just leave and go to another community. A lot of people are pardoned, right, for their activities. And so that's why hardly anyone does any time. And they just go back into the communities doing some of the exact same things they had done before. In 1877, Grant's presidency came to an end and Reconstruction went with him. The 1876 election was highly contested. In order to settle the disputes, the federal government promised to pull the military presence from the South. Once the military was no longer enforcing Reconstruction, Southern Democrats started passing Jim Crow laws. These laws upheld racial segregation and the disenfranchisement of Black voters. They made it easier for white violence against Black people to continue. So you don't have as many Klan raids after all of the arrests, but you still have lynchings, you still have massacres, you still have a lot of targeted violence around elections through the end of the 19th century. And that's how they're able to get Jim Crow installed, through violence and by seizing political power. By the 1880s. All the Black senators and Black congressmen from the South were all gone. And the North, which still today gets a lot of credit for abolishing slavery, doesn't re-up its push to use the federal government to change things. It doesn't go full Amos Ackerman on these laws in the South. These are not the abolitionists they've styled themselves as. Northerners and Westerners create this abolitionist cause, this mythology that they're all abolitionists. And the reality is that they were not. They only accept emancipation as a way to end the war quickly. And they can get away with that because white Northerners and white Westerners are willing to turn deaf ear and blind eye to the violence in order to move on with the American experiment. What happens over time is the memories of the war and what it was about, they begin to fade. how would you then characterize the outcome of these trials? Like, I mean, I ask this question, would you consider it a success or a failure? If the measure is protecting the black population and ending the terror and what's effectively a local civil war happening, how successful or not were these trials in helping to change that? Based on those criteria, of stopping the terrorism and protecting the rights of black Carolinians to vote and hold office, I would have to judge the KKK investigations and trials a failure. What they showed, I think unequivocally, that the federal government was not really willing to marshal the full power, authority, and machinery to eradicate white terrorism in the South. They were unprepared beforehand. They didn't take the opportunity to correct the situation. And what it also probably does is to further embolden the forces of terror and organizations like the KKK to control the display of violence in a way that could not be easily tracked and prosecuted. The legacy of the Klan trials is one of political power, but also political will. You know, they do something really important during Reconstruction, but they don't do enough. What happened during Reconstruction, what happened with the Klan violence and the Klan hearings, I think it really kind of underscores that reality. The federal government could have acted. They chose not to. And they chose not to because the larger white American public did not want them to. That's it for this week's show. I'm Randa Abdel-Fattah. I'm Ramtin Arablui, and you've been listening to ThruLine from NPR. This episode was produced by me. And me and... Julie Kane. Anya Steinberg. Casey Miner. Christina Kim. Devin Kadiyama. Irene Noguchi. Kiana Mulgadam. Thomas Coltrane. And we want to give a special shout out to producer Lawrence Wu, who I'm sure you've heard on the credits before. He's been with us since we started ThruLine about seven years ago. And actually, really, even before we started it. He was burning the midnight oil with me and Ramteen back when the show was just an idea in our heads. I can't say enough how grateful we are that he took a chance on us. The show would not be what it is today without him. He's an incredible, creative producer. Some of the best sound design on this show is thanks to him. And he's just like the coolest guy you'd ever meet. A kind, generous teammate and friend. Now Lawrence is on to new adventures. And we're, of course, very excited for him. But also really sad to see him go. Thank you, Lawrence, for building the show with us and helping to make it better. We're really going to miss you. Fact-checking for this episode was done by Kevin Vocal. Thanks to Augie Nuzer, Ellis Oriola, Mark Roth, Luther Pearson, Christy Miles, and Ryan Muzzy for their voiceover work. Thank you to Tony Cavan, Johannes Durge, Beth Donovan, and Tommy Evans. This episode was mixed by Robert Rodriguez. Music for this episode was composed by Ramtin and his band, Drop Electric, which includes... Naveed Marvi. Sho Fujiwara. Anya Mizani. And finally, if you have an idea or like something you heard on the show, please write us at throughline at npr.org. And make sure you follow us on Apple, Spotify, or the NPR app. That way, you'll never miss an episode. Thanks for listening. Support for NPR and the following message come from the William and Flora Hewlett Foundation. investing in creative thinkers and problem solvers who help people, communities, and the planet flourish. More information is available at Hewlett.org.