The Bulwark Podcast

Justin Jones: The Assault On Multiracial Democracy in the South

53 min
May 20, 202610 days ago
Listen to Episode
Summary

Tim Miller and guest Justin Jones discuss the dismantling of voting rights protections in the South, particularly Tennessee's aggressive racial gerrymandering that eliminated Black congressional representation. The episode covers the assault on multiracial democracy through redistricting, voter suppression, and federal coordination between state and Trump administration officials, while also analyzing Republican primary shifts and the Trump administration's controversial settlement payments to January 6 insurrectionists.

Insights
  • Racial gerrymandering in the South represents a coordinated, sophisticated attack on democracy disguised as partisan redistricting, directly orchestrated by Trump administration officials like Stephen Miller
  • The Thomas Massey primary result (45% against Trump endorsement) suggests a potential lane for Republican opposition on specific policy issues (foreign wars, debt, elite accountability) distinct from character-based Never Trump criticism
  • Democratic response requires proportional state-level action (California, Virginia, New York redistricting), grassroots infrastructure investment in non-battleground Southern states, and coalition-building with economically harmed Trump voters (farmers, rural communities)
  • The Trump administration's $1.8B settlement to January 6 insurrectionists functions as a dangerous precedent that incentivizes future political violence while simultaneously denying aid to economically struggling Trump supporters
  • Courts and legal systems are captured by Trump appointees, making litigation an ineffective remedy; political power and voter mobilization are the only viable paths to resistance
Trends
Coordinated racial gerrymandering spreading across Southern states (Tennessee, Louisiana, Mississippi, South Carolina, Alabama) following Supreme Court Voting Rights Act guttingFederal-state coordination on immigration enforcement through ICE and state highway patrol joint operations targeting undocumented immigrants and their familiesRepublican primary voters showing willingness to reject Trump on specific policy failures (foreign intervention, debt spending, elite corruption) despite overwhelming Trump endorsement advantageDemocratic party beginning to invest resources in non-swing Southern states, recognizing long-term infrastructure building necessity beyond traditional battleground focusTrump administration using settlement funds and pardons as political tools to reward insurrectionists while denying aid to economically distressed base supportersEmergence of buyer's remorse among Trump-supporting farmers and rural communities due to tariff wars, pesticide corporate favoritism, and agricultural policy failuresMass mobilization and civil rights movement framing gaining traction as primary Democratic response strategy to voting rights attacksState-level Democratic redistricting responses (California, Virginia) as proportional counter-strategy to Republican gerrymandering
Companies
Carvana
Pre-roll advertisement for online car buying platform featured at episode beginning
People
Justin Jones
Guest discussing voting rights attacks, racial gerrymandering, and Democratic response strategy in Tennessee and the ...
Tim Miller
Podcast host conducting interview and providing political analysis on Republican primaries and national trends
Thomas Massey
Kentucky Republican primary candidate who received 45% against Trump endorsement, demonstrating potential opposition ...
Donald Trump
Central figure in discussion of voting rights attacks, insurrectionist settlements, and Republican party control
Stephen Miller
Orchestrating racial gerrymandering strategy and immigration enforcement coordination with Tennessee state government
Bill Cassidy
Republican senator voting for Iran war powers resolution and opposing ballroom funding despite Trump opposition
JD Vance
Criticized for defending insurrectionist settlements and lacking empathy for marginalized communities
John Cornyn
Texas Republican who lost Trump endorsement to MAGA candidate, retiring after groveling to Trump
Andy Ogles
Tennessee Republican congressman representing gerrymandered district, criticized for corruption and extremism
Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez
Attended Montgomery voting rights mobilization in solidarity with Southern Democratic resistance efforts
Rafael Warnock
Attended Montgomery voting rights mobilization supporting Southern Democratic resistance
Sean Hannity
Criticized for spreading fear-based messaging; Justin Jones appeared on his show to reach Trump supporters
Quotes
"When I walked into the Capitol that day, it was 2026. And when I walked out, it was pre-1965."
Justin JonesEarly in interview
"Every single one of Tennessee's nine congressional districts is majority white. That does not sound like multiracial democracy to me."
Justin JonesMid-interview
"If this was happening anywhere else in the world, we would call it authoritarianism. We would call it an attack on democracy."
Justin JonesMid-interview
"There's a lane there. And I think that that lane could get bigger if Trump gets worse and worse."
Tim MillerPolitical analysis segment
"This is a death rattle. You know, this is the dying breath of the Confederacy. MAGA is just a new manifestation of the Confederacy."
Justin JonesClosing remarks
Full Transcript
Mom, can you tell me a story? Sure. Once upon a time, a mom needed a new car. Was she brave? She was tired, mostly. But she went to Carvana.com and found a great car at a great price. No secret treasure map required. Did you have to find a dragon? Nope. She bought it 100% online, from her bed, actually. Was it scary? Honey, it was as unscary as car buying could be. Did the car have a sunroof? It did, actually. Okay, good story. Car buying you'll want to tell stories about. Buy your car today on Carvana. Delivery fees may apply. Hello and welcome to the Bullard podcast. I'm your host Tim Miller. We are going to get to my guide, Justin Jones, here in a minute and talk a lot about what's going on in Tennessee and across the deep South, really, when it comes to the gutting of the Voting Rights Act. And we'll react to JD Vance's comments about the slush fund reparations that the administration is offering to MAGA insurrectionists and why he thinks that's important because nobody has any empathy for them and people have too much empathy for those Black criminals. Anyway, we'll get into all that with Justin Jones, great guy. But first, we pre-taped that yesterday because I'm flying to San Diego for our event tonight today. And so I wanted to run down some thoughts on all of the political news we've had over the last 24 hours, which is a bunch. First and most noteworthy, I think, is the Thomas Massey loss in Kentucky 4 primary. I have a little bit of a different take on this than what I've seen out there. Massey ends up getting about 45% of the vote the time this tape being there's about 4% more to trickle in. But he's going to be at about 45% of the vote. That's not nothing. And it's not that close to winning. But to think that 45% of Republican primary voters in a somewhat suburban ex-urban, but somewhat rural district in Kentucky, Bucked Trump is a change. Like, it is a sign that his grip is loosening somewhat on the party faithful. We haven't had anything else like this. When Liz Cheney ran for reelection to her house seat after she had voted to impeach Trump, she got 28.9% of the vote. She was annihilated. Like, this is meaningfully different than that. And it's meaningfully different because Massey went after Trump on a couple of issues that are core to the base and that Trump has betrayed either his promises or, you know, Republican party thinking and rhetoric on those very issues. So like, for example, with the Iran War vote, Massey I think now has gained a lot of credibility with people who were genuine in their belief that America should not be involved in stupid foreign wars in the Middle East. Any Buck Trump on that? Obviously the Epstein files and, you know, covering up for the elites that have access and wealth and were not being held accountable for their crimes. Massey was aggressive on that. And obviously Massey is strong on debt and spending. Another issue that I think is going to continue to plague Trump as interest rates increase. So like, that is like a basket of issues that Massey has distinguished himself from Trump on that is different than kind of like, never Trump or one point now, right? Like my people. Like we oppose Trump on some issues, sure. But it was mostly about his character, about whether he was, you know, qualified to lead the country. You know, his corruption, you know, like whether we would trust this person to be in charge of a fucking Dairy Queen, forget the country. You're like, we oppose Trump because of Trump the man. Like Massey opposed Trump because of Trump's failure on three issues where he perceives, and I think I agree with him, that he's closer to the Republican base than Trump is. And the results of that was getting 45% of the vote, not too far from 50%. I think that to me shows that there's a lane there. And I think that that lane could get bigger if Trump gets worse and worse. And I've said this a lot of times on TNL talking with Sarah and JVL. I think for people who really locked into politics in 2016, and this is an important kind of recent history lesson, like George W. Bush, like for the reason why the Bush line that Sarah talks about matters, like George W. Bush got so unpopular that he wasn't invited to another Republican convention ever again. He wasn't invited to wait for McCain, 12 for Romney, obviously any of the Trump conventions. The party base decided they wanted to move on from him. That feels possible with Trump, right? I mean, would I bet on it? Is that the most likely outcome? No, of course, the most likely outcome is that Trump is a kingmaker and that the cult sticks with him and that he anoints whoever he wants to be the next nominee. He's not a family member or Marco or JD or someone else that emerges. That's the most likely outcome. That's not a guaranteed outcome. And this kind of reminds me a little bit of the Platinum discourse that we had a couple weeks ago where JVL floated. I don't know. I mean, he overstated the case. He said like 33% chance Platinum is the nominee, but his range is like 5% to 33%. And everybody's like, crazy, crazy, this is crazy. It's like, well, yeah. I mean, obviously it's crazy in a certain extent, but like, in recent times in politics, like the successful two-term presidents, Obama and Trump, like both ran against the party establishment because the prior party establishment wasn't popular. And like right now, the Democratic Party establishment isn't popular. And I think Trump's popularity is on the wane. Like, is it going to fall enough that someone who challenged him directly as Massey could be the nominee? I like that's a crazy thing to say, right? But like, does the Massey result show like what a successful challenge to Trump could look like two years from now? If the war is an even greater catastrophe, if the economy is even worse, if the corruption and the cover up of Epstein looks even worse once we learn new information, if, you know, the Democrats take control of the House and Robert Garcia and his crew are successful and uncovering more information, that's possible. And that is like in the potential range of outcomes right now. And so when they were chanting Massey 2028 at his concession speech, that's a little bit intriguing to me. I'm not saying Massey is going to be the 2028 nominee. That'd be a ridiculous thing to say. But like he now has demonstrated that you can gain a basic support within the party. You can overcome the most amount of money ever spent against someone in a House primary, offer a clear issue set, offer a clear rationale for your candidacy and get 45%. And if that's a four way primary, he wins. So I don't know. I think that obviously, you know, the Trump team is going to crow. The, you know, political prognosticators and pundits are going to talk about how you can't betray Trump in the party. You look at Cassidy, look at Massey, look at the Indiana State House. And that's true. I like it's, it happened, but there's something happening under the surface that I don't want to dismiss. And so it sucks that Thomas Massey lost. It sucks that there's going to be another mega AI chat bot in Congress. It sucks that Trump can crow. It sucks that, you know, next year there'll be one less vote for, you know, potential bipartisanship on issues of, you know, war, obscene, et cetera. But Massey gets to staying in there to the end of the year. And I think he's going to continue to cause Trump trouble. And I think that his critiques of the administration are going to continue to be borne out. So I guess all I'm saying is let's see how it plays out. Let's maybe have a little bit of humility and predictions and the possible outcomes and analysis about how things might develop in our politics. Because things have changed really quick. I said, like the old days, man, like, are these political tectonic plates are moving a lot quicker than they used to? So that's that. Speaking of Massey continuing to create trouble for Trump over the next few months, as he is a lame duck member of the house, we're seeing that already in the Senate. Bill Cassidy on Tuesday said he was opposed to the ballroom funding and he supported the resolution that would end the Iran war without the Trump administration coming to Congress and getting a vote, so a war powers resolution vote. So on the one hand, it's sort of revealing. I mean, it's a little lame. It's kind of like the old line from the football coach, Dennis Green, they are what we thought they were. Cassidy is what they said he was, not a mega, a phony that was faking it to try to win reelection. And that is contemptible, honestly, and a little embarrassing. That said, we are where we are. And I guess it's better to have him up there being the turn in Trump's punch bowl for a couple months than the alternative. And opposing the ballroom was good, but the war powers vote is pretty significant. So what happens here is you had Cassidy, Rand Paul, Susan Collins and Murkowski voting yes on the resolution. So Collins also flipping and she's, I think, very vulnerable on this issue. And I don't know if this vote is going to save her since she's been lukewarm, supportive of Trump throughout this disaster. And obviously, Graham Platner is fiery hot opposed to this action in Iran. So you've Cassidy, Paul Collins and Murkowski voting yes with the Democrats. You had Federman voting no with the Republicans as a procedural vote. But there's going to be a final vote on this. You assume that the vote stays the same. That's 50 to 47. So that's a majority in favor of the war powers resolution. So that would have to go to the House. There was a tie vote in the House, thanks to main congressman Jared Golden, who was for some reason. I think it's important, pretty important we find out what that reason is actually, because there's a lot of speculation and rumor out there. But for some reason gave the tie breaking vote to block this resolution in the House. But things are changing really fast down there. And so, potentially this could go to the House and put some type of limit on Trump's war powers. Like all that remains to be seen. But it is definitely significant and notable that Bill Cassidy's true colors are showing. It's funny, isn't it? It's kind of frustrating, honestly, that as soon as Republicans no longer need Trump's support because they're retiring or because they've been defeated or their career is over, all of a sudden they start sounding like the Bull Work. Which makes me think that there's a lot of Republicans who are privately with the Bull Work. And I fucking hate those guys more than I hate the MAGA guys. It's like, where are you? Come on out. Come on the show. I've invited Bill Cassidy on the show. Come on the show. Seems like we agreed this whole time on the ballroom and the Iran War. But you don't want to say it. Anyway. Frustrating. The other big political news, of course, was the Texas Senate seat. I did a big rant about this over on the Borg takes feed because I couldn't save it for the pod. I was, I was too, was I fired up? What's the right word? I was just, I was kind of giddy. I was too giddy about Big Bad John Cornyn getting totally cucked by Donald Trump. Go sit in the cuck chair, John. For those of you, uh, sickos like me who remember God, what would it have been, 2014 Senate, Senate race probably, if the video was in Cornyn had this ad. Big John, Big Bad John. Talked about how Big Bad John wore a big bad cowboy hat and sat on a big horse and, and, and, and rode around Big Texas because he was a man. And Big Bad John groveled the Trump, tried to name a highway after Trump, pretended like you read Trump's book, was Trump's little, you know, kind of Trump's little butt boy on the airplane. Yes, sir, Mr. Trump, sir. You're so great, sir. All for nothing. Trump didn't care a wit. He knew that he had, uh, he didn't need the MAGA base any more upset than they already were. And so he's going to stick with the MAGA guy. So now John, Cornyn, Big Bad John goes into retirement. Tiny Bad John, Little Bad John, Little Man. So that tickled me. That tax rate is going to be interesting. I think it helps Talarico, maybe not as much as the conventional wisdom would indicate, but it helps him a little bit that it's going to be Paxton, not Cornyn for sure. And, um, boy is that going to be a fun race to watch now. So, uh, the politics gods gifted us on that one. All right, y'all know that I have been on the leading edge of doomerism when it comes to the economic fallout from the war lately and listening to my business podcast. You know, things are bad when I'm listening to odd lots. And I'm on the gas price charts. I'm looking at WTI oil charts, checking my futures, looking at my investment accounts. Things are really bad if I know the price of helium. And I'm telling you, I don't know the price of a carton of eggs, but I do know the price of helium. So if you're like me and you're worried about your financial future, one thing that you might turn to right now to get some certainty is life insurance. 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We will have more on tomorrow's show, of course, but now I'd like to welcome back to the show and activists and Democrat representing parts of Nashville and the Tennessee state house of representatives. One of the Tennessee three, a trio of Democrats who first drew national attention in 2023 when they were expelled by Republicans for their advocacy of stricter gun laws after a mass shooting in Nashville. And now he's been at the forefront of pushing back against Tennessee's racist Jerry Mandarin scheme. It's Justin Jones. Good to see you again, man. How are you doing? Good to see you, brother. We're pushing forward. Man, I want to focus a lot on what's happened in Tennessee and then a couple other national things. But why don't you just paint a picture for folks about what's been happening since the voting rights act and then we can talk about some of the elements of it. Since the Louisiana v. Kalei decision, Tennessee was the first state to dismantle like political power in our state diluting and eliminating the last remaining majority of Black district. What I told folks is that when I walked into the Capitol that day, it was 2026. And when I walked out, it was pre-1965. We've seen the biggest attack on Black political representation in the South since the end of reconstruction. And it all came because when that decision came out, Donald Trump called the governor of Tennessee personally. And we were back in a special session a few days later and within 24 hours between the committee and the House floor, this map had become law. And that's what we saw. We've seen some, you know, with surgical precision, the carving out of majority Black districts, not just in Tennessee, but Louisiana. You know, we see your maps are now under threat as well as Mississippi, South Carolina, and Alabama. The Tennessee case is so stark. And I don't know, we'll probably head that way eventually in Louisiana. But I just think it's particularly egregious as an example, the way in which they divided up Memphis. And I played the audio the other day of, you know, the Republican representative, like pretending like he didn't know, you know, what the Black makeup of Memphis was, even though they divided the city up into thirds. And like now you have a situation with the new maps where Memphis and Nashville, like, basically don't have representatives. And obviously, you know, the racial context in Memphis is stark. But just from like a democracy standpoint, you know, I don't know how can you even call Tennessee a democracy if people in the two largest cities don't have representation? Just to give a visual for the, for viewers, Memphis, which is a 51% Black population, is now connected to a county 300 miles away, you know, all the way to Williamson County, 300 miles away as a way to dilute that Black vote in a majority Black city. My district, where I represent here in Nashville, my community, represent the most diverse district. And so what we saw here at the federal level was if you drive from one Krispy Kreme in Nashville to another Krispy Kreme on the outskirts of Nashville in Brentwood, you pass through five congressional districts driving just 30 minutes, 30 minute drive, five congressional districts. That's how absurd these maps are. And it was done intentionally. And for the Speaker of the House to say he did not know the racial breakup of Memphis, or he's not familiar with those demographics, I just want to show you some, just to show you where these ideas are coming from. The Speaker of the House posted this yesterday. And it's him with Stephen Miller in the White House, giving him a proclamation for the partnership between Stephen Miller and in Tennessee's state government. And so we see where this racialized politics is coming from. It's coming from directly from 1600 Pennsylvania Avenue, Donald Trump again called the governor. As soon as the Louisiana Caledicision came out, Stephen Miller is now celebrating with the Speaker of the House all of these racist attacks on the Black and Brown community. And then Black and Brown Tennessee has made up 25% of the population. Now every single one of Tennessee's nine congressional districts is majority white. That does not sound like multiracial democracy to me. And I mean, they're experimented down to the state house level. And this was the big fight in 2023 when you guys got expelled, but they're doing it again. And last week, all members of the House Democratic Caucus were removed from their committees and subcommittees. Is that right? To make it more egregious, I think there's an addendum and added that we found out. I think that Tennessee Hall was the first report on this. All Democrats except the white men in our caucus were removed from their committees. And so what came out was that the white men, four of them, representative Clemens, representative Mitchell, representative Freeman, representative Hemmer, were not removed from their committees. And so they were kept on the state website. And then they just were allowed to resign on their own because the Speaker did not remove them. So it does show that they see race, even in that regard. And I think it shows that we are dealing with the Jim Crow legislature. And what we saw was intentional. It was an attempt to turn back the clock of history. And they represent the George Wallace and the Bull Connors in the 21st century. And I think that Tennessee is the tip of the spear. But as we've been saying, when we said you were here in Nashville, we said the same thing. Tennessee is the front line, but we have to fight it here because if we don't, it's going to spread across this nation. Yeah, we're seeing it. I mean, look, this is where it sounds alarmist, right? And I alluded to it. But when you put those things together, right? When you put together no representation for these big cities, no representation for people of color in the federal legislature, the banishment of you guys from committees, the expulsion in 2023. I mean, this is a state autocracy. Like it's not a democracy. And that, I think, probably, if you accept that, it changes what a response to it should be, right? Yeah. I mean, if this was happening anywhere else in the world, we would call it authoritarianism. We would call it an attack on democracy. And yet it's happening here in a very subtle, sophisticated way. They're using the language of gerrymandering, and they want to make it partisan to him. And one thing that we've been very intentional about is that this was a racial gerrymandering. This was not partisan to it for a time. It was about explicitly, in response to the dismantling the Voting Rights Act, the crown jewel of civil rights movement. And the fact that it's happening in the South, you see the language being used in Mississippi. The governor talked about the last black congressman there about ending his reign of terror. These are the types of things you heard at the end of Reconstruction when they ran out on all the black representatives at the federal level. And so I think we'd be very keen on what is happening here. We're seeing an assault on multiracial democracy across the South. You're hearing people talk about the Southern strategy, again, like Congressman Andy Ogles from Tennessee. I mean, it is very, it's not alarmist. And I think that history of judges is not by what we do, but by what we don't do in this moment. We have to respond with proportionate response. And we have to call on our allies across this country to stand with us in the South in this time, because the South, again, is the front line in our fight for democracy in this nation. So what does proportionate response look like? Like, what are you thinking about doing down there? I mean, multiple things. We just got back from Montgomery. We saw one of the largest mass mobilizations since the 60s. Folks from all across the South and all across the country gathering federal leaders, moral leaders, clergy, mothers, activists gathering in Montgomery where Dr. King stood in 1965 fighting for the voting rights act. So number one, lift up that this is a struggle rooted in the civil rights movement. We're seeing an assault on the civil rights movement. That's why you saw people crossing the Edmund Pettus Bridge again. And so telling people, number one, we have to invest in the South and not just quote unquote, battleground states like North Carolina and Georgia, but coming down to Alabama, Mississippi, Tennessee, the states that have for so long been forgotten, South Carolina. And number two, we need some of these other states to respond. California, Virginia, I think we're the only ones that responded by doing their own new maps in response to Texas and response to what's happening across these other states. But there's other states that can follow in New York, in Colorado, in New Jersey, in Illinois. There are states that need to respond because what Donald Trump is doing, he's making it almost impossible for us to retake the house from his MAGA extremists who are taking hold of our government right now. And so we have to respond proportionately and recognize that this is not an ordinary moment. And so we have to do things out of the ordinary as we fight back against these MAGA terrorists who've taken our country hostage. I think that's the only thing we can call them. Yeah. I mean, so you're down there in Selma. I said you're going to Jackson, where this kind of fight is ongoing. I think we probably have a lot of listeners who are frustrated. Especially the living in other states, like what can I do? Like how can I engage? What does mass mobilization look like? Like I have a campaign question for you in a second, but I don't want to table that. What does it look like from just from a protest from a public action standpoint? Yeah. I mean, I think one, if you're in the state, you can call on the governors of these states to say, you know, we are not in the South right now, but we can stand in solidarity with the South. You know, in response to Tennessee's gerrymander, Illinois should respond, you know, again, proportionately or New York should respond and say, okay, we are in the fight against this new Confederacy. And it's going to take a United front of United States to take on this Confederacy again. It's it's it this is like a civil war. We're in the midst of right now with these Southern governors. I'm number two, looking at, you know, folks in these states to help build infrastructure. I think a lot of people are paying attention to the federal level right now, but all these changes are being done at the state level. And these state seats can be flipped with, with, you know, infrastructure with investment. And and that's how we can stop these gerrymander from happening. I mean, ultimately, we need to have a federal ban on partisan gerrymandering. I think that's the only logical response. But as it stands now, we have to ask these states who, who have control, who have democratic control to, to responding kind to what the South is doing right now with these with these red states. And but also if you're a regular person, I think, you know, really finding ways to find organizations on the ground, whether it's in Mississippi or Alabama, we had so many organizations when we were in Montgomery who are doing the hard work of trying to respond by having a mass voter registration in response to this mass voter suppression that we're seeing. And so like supporting those organizations, supporting independent media who are telling the actual truth, like your podcast, like I see your hat of my dear brother there, Tennessee Holler. I mean, these are the, these are the ones who are, the folks who are on the ground with us, amplifying these stories that are often getting erased in mainstream conversations. And so we need to continue to amplify that what's happening right now is not normal and that we have to sound the alarm in this moment of crisis for, for, you know, where we could potentially lose demarcation in the South, and then we'll lose it in this nation. If you're like me, it's hard for you to balance a busy work schedule with all of the life stuff, you know, grocery shopping, cooking healthy meals at home, making sure my child actually gets nutrients and not just crawfish. And it's also, it can be sometimes hard, probably more for you guys than for me, but even for me at times to get good quality seafood at most stores. But our friends at Wild Alaska and company offered the best way to get wild caught high quality seafood delivered to your door on your schedule. Each Wild Alaskan box comes with individually portioned fillets, vacuum sealed, easy to prep, and great for any meal, no matter how quick or elevated. 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Thanks to Wild Alaskan company for sponsoring this episode. Let's talk about the backlash possibilities. You know, I think that some of that was like you're saying, voter registration, getting people engaged, to be able to wake up that hadn't been as engaged in 2024. I think we're seeing some of that. I think it's possible to do persuasion on this too. I mean, it's just so overt. That I think that a lot of people, and obviously in particular black voters, I think even a lot of white voters and voters from other races, like look at this, they're like, this is not the country that I want to be. Right? Like, I don't want to be in a country where we're eliminating all of the black representation in the South, like we're going back to Jim Crow. Right? And so, do you think that there is a persuasion and mobilization possibility that can create some backlash from a campaign standpoint? And in Tennessee, I do think it's a big uphill battle. Those districts were all carved out quite intentionally. But I don't know. And what do you think? Is there a democratic hope here at the ballot box? Or did they rig the system so much that that's not likely? I think so. I mean, you know, there were members, I want to say, who had conscience and who did not vote for this. It was very few of them. I think it was just six of my Republican colleagues. But I think that we're hearing from Republican voters that this does not represent conservative values, that this does not represent those who believe the process should work, where you can just choose your voters. You know, voters should choose who their elected officials are. It shouldn't be the other way around. And particularly when it's so blatant, where you're drawing, literally like it looks like a scorpion or like a sea monster, where it's like starting here, a little tip in Memphis, and coming out into this big Leviathan 300 miles away. I mean, it's going to end up with rural counties being disenfranchised as well. Because if you have a congressman who lives four hours away, they're not going to come and pay attention to your constituent relations when you need to get a passport or when you need help with unemployment. Because we're seeing that right now. We have one of the most extreme members representing Nashville, Andy Ogles, and he doesn't serve urban or rural counties. He serves himself. And what we're seeing is that he's serving his pocketbooks by stealing money, but that's a whole other conversation. And so I think we have to build coalitions. You know, I've seen it serving on the Agriculture Committee, these unusual coalitions that can transform our state and transform the South. And so I think there is hope. I don't lose hope in our voters, but I do think that there are some men in some room strategizing how to make this so that no matter what happens, they maintain control because Donald Trump is so desperate to hold on to the Congress because he knows that he can't win fairly. And so I think, you know, that's why as soon as the decision came out, they had these maps ready, these maps they had been working on all year, waiting for the Supreme Court to rule. And then we were back within less than, you know, what, three days we were back in session. You mentioned Ogles a couple of times, corrupt. Scott Dejerle jumps out to me also as somebody who's particularly corrupt. And they're both disgusting and they're rhetoric and extreme and have horrific personal judgment. And all these guys are pretty bad across every possible metric. What is the thought about getting Democratic candidates into those races, like finding somebody that can win, that can get a big tent coalition? Like, how are you thinking about that? Well, you know, the deadline has passed. That's how quick this happens. So like all those races, the deadline has passed. I know there's candidates running, but again, this all happened in such an unusual way. It gave them like just five days to finalize who the new candidates are. When we're getting calls, people don't even know what district they live in. You know, they're like, well, I wasn't this district and my neighbor's in this district, but I'm in this district. You know, like that's how absurd this is. So people don't know what district that they're in. They don't know who's even running anymore. You've had candidates who've been campaigning for the whole year and now they're in a completely new district. You know, Andy Ogles was running it for a district in Nashville and now he's running for a district that is part of Memphis. And so that's what we're looking at right now. The what are the courts? When you were first expelled in 23, you sued Speaker Sexton over that, was dismissed by a judge. Like what's your sense for what the legal potential opportunities are? Yeah, I mean, there's still, I know there was four lawsuits filed after this, but unfortunately it was the Supreme Court that created this mess and it does not seem like the Supreme Court's going to get us out of this mess. We have a captured court right now and the sixth circuit which we are in at the federal level is has a lot of Trump appointees. And so we don't expect a lot of relief. I believe that they blocked the injunction to try and stop these maps from taking effect. That the court has already blocked that injunction from taking effect. And so, you know, that's the difference between now and the 1960s. In the 60s, you're in the civil rights movement. You had a Supreme Court that was friendly to civil rights about protecting minority voice. And now we have a Supreme Court that's the opposite, that is full of stuges of the president and who don't rule based off of equal protection under law, but who rule under, you know, whatever the Trump administration says, that's what they do. And so that's what we're facing, unfortunately, with the legal system here. But we do have this litigation ongoing. You know, I sued the speaker and unfortunately the court ruled that he has sovereign immunity. This Trump appointed judge ruled in my case of two years that he has sovereign immunity. And so it just emboldens them even further to do these, you know, reprehensible things that are that are tax against our democracy. What do you feel like your fellow Dems and you're with AOC and Selma? Like, are folks giving you the fight and support that you need down there? Like what, I guess, what's your thought on the party broadly? I mean, I mean, I think everyone who showed up in Selma, you had AOC, you had Rafael Warnock, you had, you know, members of the Congressional Black Caucus, including those who are going to be impacted because we may lose up to one third of the Black Caucus at the congressional level, which is something we haven't seen since the end of Reconstruction. And so you had Melanie Stansbury. You have folks who showed up and I thought, I think that matters, you know, for so long, you wouldn't see these national folks, you know, coming to the deep South, they would come to just two states, North Carolina and Georgia, the quote unquote battleground states. And I don't think you saw them in Louisiana, either where you live and where the speaker of the house lives. But I think you're seeing people understand the importance of the South, you know, as AOC said, it's time for the North to pull up on the South and to stand up because what happens in Tennessee is connected to what happens in New York. And what happens in Alabama is connected to what happens in Massachusetts. We are interconnected in this fight right now. And so I think that was encouraging to see, we do need to see more support from the federal DNC, you know, to showing up not just in swing states, but in states that I like to say that will swing back and that we're fighting with everything we have, you know, with very little resources and infrastructure. I think we're seeing that shift now. You know, I was in California, I met with the governor, they're talking about what's happening here. I know he's been vocal and lifting up what's going on. You know, they've been talking to folks across this country, and people are asking how they can help they want to show up for like a freedom summer where they come to the South and help do voter registration, Canvas launches. That's the type of thing we have to be thinking about right now. And so I think that gives me hope. And it gives me, you know, some clarity to recognize that people are seeing what's at stake and they're recognizing the fierce urgency of now and they're seeing with more clarity that if they come from one of us, they're coming for all of us. I want to ask you about a couple other issues that are going on down there. And people don't even really talk about it anymore, because there's so much other craziness going on. But there was the Memphis Safe Task Force, you know, and the invasion of Memphis from the federal government. Like what, it feels like all that's out of the news. But like what's actually happening on the ground? What's the latest with that? Yeah, I mean, you still have the National Guard occupying the city of Memphis. You have ICE agents who are running rampant across our state terrorizing folks who are just trying to get to work. And the difference between folks and you're again in this house, so you know this, but for those who are not like if you're in Minnesota or California, New York, the difference is that the state government there is trying to at least protect their people. They're not doing this in coordination. A lot of these operations are joint operations in between the state government in Tennessee and the federal government. And so when ICE was doing their raids of my district, it was the Tennessee Highway Patrol who was a part of those who there, it was a joint operation where they're using THP to make traffic stops about your tail light was out or your tent was too dark. And then ICE would arrest people who had committed no crime, but under those pretextual, you know, stops. And so that's what we're seeing here. And that's also why, you know, Stephen Miller has been championing his partnership with Tennessee. Tennessee was the first state to pass 10 bills that came directly from Stephen Miller going after undocumented immigrants. That's why the speaker was up there celebrating that partnership because we're the first state that he said he wanted to test these bills out like English only driver's license about going after undocumented kids in schools, not adults, children in schools and getting their data, or then you can target their parents. You know, all these abhorrent things that I think history is going to look very shamefully upon are happening in Tennessee right now. On the national, I want to talk to you about this slush fund that Donald Trump has created for himself. I guess he felt like he had emotional distress because his tax returns got leaked. So he's suing his own DOJ and his own DOJ said, hey, $1.8 billion that Donald Trump and his friends can hand out to whoever they want. We won't know what they're doing with it. I was going to kick this around yesterday with my colleagues about how this is just basically like reparations, but for white insurrectionists. That's really what it is. It's not the government to hand out reparations to their friends. Maybe it's also corruption too. But I just, what do you think, is this the kind of thing that you think could resonate? What is your reaction to that? Yeah, I mean, that's the best way to put it. I think it should alarm us that we are basically rewarding those folks who violently attacked our nation and attacked our democratic process. We had many of them from Tennessee, the zip tie guy. These are folks who came here who were planning to commit violence against both Democrat and Republican officials. And yet we're rewarding that on the 250th anniversary of America, I think the amount was $17.76 billion, $1.776 billion. And it is so blatant that this is what, it's kind of like a call and response. It seems like this is what he wants to continue to instigate. And we're seeing these vigilante forces. That's what ICE has become, this rogue police force that is at the whim of the president, not even enacting an accord with the Constitution or within its guidelines or parameters. These insurrectionists, it seems like he's doing a call and response. Are they going to be at our polling places next? Come November, are they going to be targeting brown people and black people when we try and go vote? I mean, this is what we have to worry about, particularly when the president is rewarding them financially for behavior that should have been criminally punished and was, and then he pardoned them. And so, I mean, again, it beckons back to if you study the Confederacy and the end of reconstruction, this is what happened. And then we got Jim Crow and we got the terrorism of that Jim Crow enacted across the South and honestly across this nation. I bet you haven't thought about this, but I'm going to throw this idea out to you. Maybe you should think about it as an opportunity. I don't know, you've been targeted by the government unfairly. Maybe the Democrats can get back in power and think about the types of people you could compensate with a slush fund. I don't know, the next Democratic president could just go in there and go to the DOJ and say, I think we should settle for 3.2 billion. Think about all the different groups you could hand out that money to. Yeah, I mean, you know, see, I don't think that our side is things like this. Like, you know, this is a man who thinks about how to enrich his pockets and his cronies and his friends. And, you know, we're thinking, how do we make this a nation at peace with itself? You know, post-Trump, we're going to have to go through a truth and reconciliation process like South Africa after apartheid. I think we're going to have to do something to heal this nation because there's a wound that's been opened. And, you know, I hope we get to that point post-Trump because it seems like he doesn't want to leave. He has a lot of projects going on that are going to require more than four years of his time in office. And so, to me, I think it's very terrifying what we may see in the years to come. We'll see what happens in November. It's clear it's not going to be a fair election. We're starting to see that now. But what extent will he go to maintain a hold of power? There's nothing more dangerous than a wounded animal. And he's wounded and his ego wounded, you know, and retaliating. And so, I think we have to really have our guard up and be prepared to respond with rapid response. But, you know, I hope that whoever is the next Democratic president will not make the same mistake and that we cannot allow this behavior to go on unchallenged without accountability. We have to hold these folks accountable. He should have never been able to run for president to begin with post-insurrection. You know, I think Merritt Garland has a lot of answers that the public is looking for. And what he should be doing, I think Merritt Garland, he should be offering free legal support to folks who are being targeted right now. He should, him and his firm, because he did not do his job as Attorney General. And so, maybe he should be finding pro bono lawyers or people being targeted by the Trump administration. But I think there's going to be a lot of reckoning to happen. And I hope that, you know, Pam Bondi, Stephen Miller, you know, all these folks in this administration will be held accountable with some type of tribunal that will, we hold them accountable for violating human rights and civil rights and civil liberties in this nation. That's a great idea for Merritt Garland. We'll pass that on. I don't know. I think you should apply. I mean, you know, you've been targeted by the government. I think you qualify. Isn't that all? It was the period of 2020 to 2024 or it was 2023? Or you were talking, I think, yeah, you are the wrong color. Yeah. Parations for whites. Get glory in there. Get glory in there and apply. But it seems like, you know, when you attack the government and you're white, you get rewarded. But, you know, some of my colleagues now are up in arms about me burning the Confederate flag and calling me an insurrectionist. So if you, if you, you know, I think it's telling as well that they're more concerned with the burning of a Confederate flag than they are about the burning down of our democracy. I think that shows us what they really care about and that these are neo Confederates and we cannot, you know, that is not alarmist. That's not a far jump. It's the reality. If you study history and you study this time of deconstruction that we're in there, just following the same playbook as the Confederates when they retook control of the South after reconstruction. And it's the same. If we don't act, it's going to be the same end of enacting this white power structure. But it's, but I want to be clear too, you know, and doing this are targeting black and brown communities, but who's going to be heard are not just black and brown people, but as our poor white rule, you know, friends and fellow Tennesseans and fellow Southerners who, you know, their only grocery store is Dollar General. They're defunding their public schools. They're making it so that you can't get your prescriptions if you want to afford your groceries. I mean, these are the same folks at the same time he's pushing out the slush fund. He's saying we can't help people who are struggling from the tariffs, the farmers that he's enacted, who are struggling from rising input and output costs. I saw one ad committee farmers have been screwed over the most, you know, by this administration. And so I just want to be clear that he's going after black and brown people, but all of us will get hurt in the end. What do you hear from the farmers down there? Have you heard from any Trump supporting farmers who are pissed? Yeah. Well, I was just at the Supreme Court within a very unusual coalition of Mahamams and farmers because they feel betrayed by Trump where he's selling out to the pesticide corporations. There's a bill in Congress and also a lawsuit at the Supreme Court about giving immunity to pesticide corporations who are making our farmers and our communities sick. And the Trump administration siding with these foreign pesticide corporations like Bear and Monsanto at the expense of Mahaa and all these people who had all this trust and belief in him. So I'm seeing people who feel buyer's remorse. I'm talking to them, you know, as well as the farmers who are, we lost 400 farms in Tennessee last year, 400 family farms because of the rising costs and climate, the climate crisis, but also because of the tariff wars where our soybean farmers had so many contracts with USAID and also had contracts and trade agreements with China and all these other countries that are now been eliminated. And so Trump is an anti-farm president. He's somebody who's destroying agriculture, particularly small family farms, and you're hearing that type of remorse. And I think it's important for us to not go to these communities and say, well, we told you so, but to say welcome to this coalition. We want to build together because now it's an opportunity and an opening to organize, not an opportunity to be, you know, we were right, you were wrong, but to say, you know, we're learning together and this administration is harmful to all of us. And we have to be clear that this is an administration that serves white supremacists and in corporate sellouts, but does not serve the people, you know, whether you live in an urban or rural community. Yeah, I think that's right. I mean, if this is in the moment for reaching out to them and winning allies, I don't know what it is with all the way the administration's been hiring them. I wanted to just play for you. One thing that the vice president was saying about the slush fund on Tuesday afternoon and then get your reaction to that. One of the interesting things about the American media is there is a fascination. If you go to any American law school, there are these, you know, prisoner rights clinic. There are people who objectively committed heinous crimes, but the American media and the American legal academy has decided that even though they committed bad crimes, their sentence was disproportionate. They were mistreated in some way. You know, who never ever gets an ounce of sympathy when it comes to that disproportionate sentencing is people who voted for Donald Trump and participated in the January 6 protest. No sympathy for the January 6 rioters. Too much sympathy for, you know, other people who have gone to prison and, you know, done what they could to pay back their debt to society, et cetera. I, he didn't mention the races, but I think we have a, I think we have a mental image of who he's talking about. Yeah. I mean, I wonder what would have happened if JD Vance would have stayed in that chamber on January 6 and wasn't escorted out, you know, as you see pictures of Republicans lawmakers cowering because they knew that these people were a threat to their safety. I mean, why did they hang a gallows outside the Capitol? It wasn't as a, you know, welcome man. It was, it was, it was clear to be used as for violence. And so I think JD Vance again represents somebody who he doesn't even recognize anymore, because if you studied the JD Vance before he was vice president and the JD Vance now it's completely two different people. And so I think he's, he's having a soul crisis right now. There's a hole down the middle of his soul. He doesn't even know who he is. But, but we, it's clear that there, there are sympathy, you know, we have two systems of justice for this in this country. If you're, if you're white and an insurrectionist, you get grace and sympathy. And then if you're black or a person of color, you get what we're seeing here in Tennessee tomorrow in execution, a man who even, you know, clergy and Kim Kardashian are calling for the governor to stop his execution. He's going to be executed here tomorrow in Tennessee. No grace, no sympathy, no, no, you know, even though he has, you know, mental issues and things like that. And so it's just so clear who this administration serves. I mean, JD Vance is somebody who's auditioning to be, I guess, the inheritor of this MAGA movement, which we know is never going to happen, no matter how many boots he licks. That's not going to happen, JD. And so just might as well have a little bit of integrity and ask the former vice president, you know, what, what that looks like. But I think it's very clear what trajectory we're on. And I just want to say this on the record that we, that we should be cognizant because what they're doing this kind of dog whistle for this calling response is going to create issues of violence that will arise around election time as we go forward, because they're giving people a license to commit this behavior and to be excused for it. I think we should be terrified of what that will mean going forward, because if people feel like they can commit something like January 6 and be rewarded, what does that mean for other people who will be inspired to commit similar acts of violence against our communities and against our democracy? That's such an important point, because it's a threat forward, not just back. I mean, it's outrageous and enraging that they would pay off these people. And like my tax dollars, the harder and tax dollars of people who got there and worked for a living, worked harder than me in a podcast, are paying like a percentage of their paycheck to these people that's throwing the capital. That's outrageous. But like your point you're making about the messages it sends going forward is pretty alarming. I noticed recently you did something that I'm wishing more and more Dems are doing, particularly in this moment. I think in the same way that it's kind of a good time to reach out to rural communities, I think it's a good time to reach out to Trump supporters in general, because he has betrayed them in a lot of ways and they might not be getting that information. He had a little back and forth with Sean Hannity that was going around social media. It was pretty funny. Talk about that. Why are you doing that? Why are you going on Hannity? What's the goal? What's the opportunity? Yeah, I mean, I think we have to meet them where they are and speak to them in a language they understand. Sean Hannity loves to bring on Democrats who he can beat down on and perpetuate these lies. If you're on his show, one thing I noticed is he turns his mic up 10 cranks higher than yours. So you have to even speak up so loud to even be heard because he just spends the time talking over you, because he knows that he doesn't have the truth. So he's the yell. And so I went on Fox because I thought it was important to speak directly to the people being screwed over. I talked to people about how this man is being paid $45 million a year to create fear, to make them fearful of their immigrant neighbors instead of recognizing the threat from his friends in the White House. He went through a list of all the crimes that immigrants created. He was like assault, sexual assault against children. I was like, Sean, are you going through Trump's crimes? Whose crimes are you going through? Because we want to make clear that this is not a law and order administration. These are the biggest criminals in our nation who are now been empowered to be in the White House. And so Sean Hannity, again, is just a talking mouthpiece who gets paid so much to do so much harm to this nation. And we had to go on spaces like that to lift up an alternative voice and to push back and to do so unapologetically and without compromise. Because we're not going to change his mind, but maybe something on that show will hear that, again, that someone like me is not their enemy, but people like him who want to make his enemies of each other are really the danger to our democracy because they want to create a country where you're fearful of your neighbor and that you are suspicious of your neighbor. If you watch Fox News, you get your fight or flight activated consistently because it's like, be aware of this person, this person, this person. And they prey on fear because that's all they have. On the cause of this, I got to say it's kind of dispiriting. It's been a little, I mean, I'm a downer podcast usually, but I heard you in Nashville. You can get a room going. You can get people excited, but it's just a tough moment for that, right? Like if you feel like the Democratic voice is being silenced and nobody has representation, if you feel like the courts are not going to be a useful vehicle for addressing ways in which we were treated unjustly, where you find it hope, where you find in the energy for it. I mean, you could just kind of, you can move out to, you know, I don't know, you could get, you could find yourself a little spot on a farm or something and kind of hang out and vibe out, check out from society, live your life, you know, smoke the hookah, whatever brings you joy. Go on hikes. I mean, I think what gives us hope right now in this moment is, is people power. I think, you know, seeing people turning out people, you know, when I was just in Montgomery, I saw grandmothers who had been there 60 years ago, but I also saw a new generation of voices. I saw people who are black, white, Latino, Native American, Asian. I've been seeing that even here at our Capitol when they pass these maps. And I think what they're going to do is create the atmosphere in which we see even more energy in our movement to get these folks out of power. You know, when the Dred Scott decision came out in the Supreme Court, you know, dehumanizing black folks and saying that there's no rights that black people have, that white people have to follow, Frederick Douglass said, you know, let this decision not despair to us or dishorner us, but let it embolden and inflame our movement. I think this is the same opportunity. You know, in the South, we have a saying that a dying meal kicks the hardest in this mule of white supremacists tears dying, which is why they're, you know, this is a death rattle. You know, this is the dying breath of the Confederacy. MAGA is just a new manifestation of the Confederacy. And we defeated them before and we can do it again, but it's going to require long-term organizing, long-term infrastructure building and recognizing that's not going to be like a microwave instantaneous shift. But we're seeing it. I mean, if Trump was confident in his power, he would not have to cheat to rig maps. He knows that he can't win fairly. And so I think the hope is again, that this is a very fragile administration and regime, and that if we continue pushing, you know, the way to cut down the trees, you got to keep song in the same place. We got to keep song in the same place. I think we can take this tree down and then we can take down this, this, this new Confederacy. And so that's where my hope is. And I just think we have to have practices of care. So, you know, like music, being with community, and a lot of this online is important. I love, you know, I love podcast. I love being here with you virtually, but there's nothing that will give you more hope than being in a room with people in person and being out in the streets in person with people. That's the most important thing is to show up in person because there's online stuff. If you go on X, if you go on any of these apps, TikTok, I mean, they're spending money to make you feel hopeless, you know, that's their strategy. And you see things that are disparaging. You see people fighting each other. You see racist people, you know, like the man here in Nashville who's calling people the N word who's now in court. I mean, this is what that's all my timeline was. And I'm like, this is not the America, I believe, but when I went out into the streets, that's where I found hope. And so I think we have to just show up together and build together in person. And I think that we will outlast these fascists and these confederates. And I look forward to, you know, seeing you and celebrating on the other side of this brother and back to some type of community in which we're not constantly in confusion and chaos, but we can build it and really think about not just us, but I know you have children about the next generation. That's really why we're doing this. It's not about us in this time, it's for those who are coming up after us. Amen, man. I appreciate that. Get out of your house, people, you know, get off this thing for a little bit because it is, it is a downer. All right, man. Well, if there are things we can do and elevate here, you just, you don't hesitate. All right, to let me know. And if you find yourself down in Louisiana, you let me know. All right, man. Appreciate you, brother. All right. Thanks so much to Justin Jones. Appreciate that guy. We have our live show in San Diego tonight. So on tomorrow's show, you'll get a little bit of fresh potting and a bonus segment from San Diego. I don't know. Whatever's the most fun part. We'll let you guys have on the podcast tomorrow. And then we'll have podcasts regularly scheduled on Friday. So appreciate you all very much. See you tomorrow. Peace. The board podcast is brought to you thanks to the work of lead producer Katie Cooper, associate producer, Ansley Skipper, and with video editing by Katie Lutz, and audio engineering and editing by Jason Brown.